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M. TULLI CICERONIS 



ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 



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IV/TIf INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 



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vi '• FREFACE. 

wonderful storehouses of information, Drumann's 
Geschichte Roms, Lange's Römische Alterthümer 
and Fischer's Römische Zeittafeln. Next to these 
should be mentioned Mommsen's History of Rome 
(new English ed. in 4 vols. 1868), Merivale's History 
of the Romans under the Empire, and Marquardt and 
Mommsen's Handbuch der Römischen Alterthümer. 
Among subsidiary aids may be mentioned the gram- 
mars of Dra^er, Madvig, Roby and Kennedy, and 
the excellent Latin Lexicon by Lewis and Short I 
have not had much opportunity of using Merguet's 
great Lexicon zu den Reden Cicero's. Of the various 
commentaries on the second Philippic I have consulted 
Wemsdorfs Variorum edition and of course that of 
Halm revised and enlarged by Professor Mayor (ed. 2, 
1865). This book with its valuable historical intro- 
duction and copious notes is familiär to every Student 
of classical literature and must always be used by 
those who desire a comprehensive view of the subject 
I hope I have acknowledged all direct obligations to 
it; how much I owe to it indirectiy it would be 
difficult to say. All other recent editions I have 
refrained from Consulting, whether rightly or wrongly 
I hardly know. Lastly I am deeply indebted to the 
Idndness of Dr James S. Reid, who has read all my 
notes and sent me many valuable additions and cor- 



I I 



PREFACE. vii 

rections. In some cases I have added bis notes in 
whole or in substance with his initials appended, in 
others I have modified my notes in accordance with 
his views without any special mention of the fact. I 
also owe a great deal, as all students of Latin do, to 
Dr Reid's editions of various works of Cicero. 

I have written a short introduction to the speech, 
giving a veiy brief sketch of the chief events of the 
period, which may be useful for reference, and I have 
also added an analysis. The text of my edition is, with 
one or two exceptions, that of Orelli, Baiter and Halm« 
1856; but I have tried to improve thespelling, taking 
as . my chief guide Brambach's Hülfsbüchlein für 
Lateinische Rechtschreibung (ed. 3, 1884). 

The foUowing abbreviations are sometimes used 
in the notes : — ^ 

HM. Stands for Mayor's edition of Halm. 

Mayor's additions to Halm's notes. 
Marquardt and Mommsen's Handbook. 
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman 

Antiquities. 
Lewis and Short's Dictionary. 
Rob/s Latin Grammar. 



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X JNTRODUCTION. 

tiara in the presence of the assembled multitude. Shouts of 
applause rent the air when the invidious gift was rejected by 
Caesar with outward alacrity if with inwaml rductance. The 
time had not yet come when a Roman could set a seal on the 
servitude of his countrymen by assuming the title of lang. That 
attempts would sooner or later be made on the life of one in 
Caesax's position, notwithstanding his invariable demency to 
his political opponents, must have been obvious to everyone. 
A conspiracy was already being formed, in which the most 
active members were Marcus and Decimus Brutus; C Cassius, 
the two Cascas and Trebonius. Even on Antony himself there 
rests a shadow of suspicion. The plot was carried to its com- 
pletion on March 15, 44, when Caesar feil, stabbed to death, at 
the foot of his rival's statue, and in the hall that his rival had 
buüt 

2. Before proceeding farther we may glance back at the 
earlier life of Antony who now becomes, Cicero perhaps ex- 
ceptedy the most conspicuous figure in the Roman world. The 
gens Antonia was divided into two branches, a patrician brauch 
distinguished by the sumame Merenda, and a plebeian branch 
with no distinctive sumame. To the latter belonged Marcus 
Antonius who was bom about the year 83. His grandfather 
Marcus was a well-known orator who was put to death by prder 
of Marius and Cinna in 87 as an adhereht of Sulla. Cicero has 
much to say of his eloquence and worth. His son Marcus was 
a person of no reputation for ability or honesty, and the title of 
Creticus was only given him in derision for his mismanagement 
of an ezpedition against Crete. He married a lady named 
Julia, and their eldest son was Marcus Antonius the future 
triumvir. His character from his earliest youth seems to have 
been wild and undisciplihed. If Cicero may be bdieved he was 
deeply in debt at the age of 16. Nor were his domestic relations 
calculated to improve his character. His unde Gaius, Cicero's 
coüeague in the consulship in 63, was suspected of favouring 
the Catilinarian conspiracy and was afterwards banished' for 
having practised extortion in his province. His mother, alter 
his iather's death, married P. Lentulus who XooV. ^^dsX Ssl ^<t 



INTRODUCTION. xi 

conspiracy of Catiline and was put to death by order of the 
Senate acting under the advice of Cato and Cicera To this 
event Plutarch attributes Anton/s hatred for the latter. One of 
his most intimate friends was the profligate C Curio whose 
father in vain attempted to withdraw his son from the demora* 
lising connection. In 58 he was one of the associates of the 
notorious P. Clodius, but soon after left Rome for the East 
where, after a short sojoum in Greece for the purpose of study, 
he served with distinction in Palestine and Egypt On his 
retum from the East he betook himself to Caesar in Gaul, where 
he might hope to gain fresh military experience and at the saxne 
time be free from the persecution of his creditors. From Gaul 
he retumed in 53 to stand for the quaestorship, bearing a letter 
of recommendation from Caesar to Cicero who befriended him 
and aided him in his candidature. In 52 while still quaestor he 
abruptly quitted Rome for Caesar's camp in Gaul, retuming 
again in 50 at Caesar's bidding and supplied from Caesar's 
purse to stand for the augurship at Rome. He was successful, 
and in the same year was also elected tribune, and became an 
acknowledged leader of the democratic party who looked to 
Caesar as their chief. In the early days of January 49 he vehe- 
mently espoused the cause of Caesar in the senate during the 
deliberations of that body upon the" political deadlock between 
the two great parties in the State. As is well known, no com- 
promise could be effected. Antony fied from Rome to Caesar 
who thereupon crossed the Rubicon. Henceforth we find 
Antony fighting on his master's side or carrying out his policy 
in Italy, sometimes with more zeal than discretion. Cicero 
has much to say of his reckless conduct when left in Charge 
of Italy as propraetor in 49. In the summer of 48 he fought at 
Pharsalia. In the autumn he was made master of horse when 
Caesar received the dictatorship for a year. In the foUowing 
year when Caesar received his third dictatorship, Lepidus suc- 
ceeded Antony as master of the horse, probably because the 
lattefs wild and indiscreet behaviour had estranged him from 
his Chief. In 46 he married the 'shrill tongu'd Fulvia,' a 
womaa, as Plutarch says 'who had no mind for spinning or 



ai INTRODUCTION. 

hottsewifery; one who desired not to sway any man of private 
Station, bat aspired to command one who could command bis 
fellows' ; a person of such ambition and strength of will naturally 
ezercised a powerfbl inflnence over the somewhat pliant character 
of her husband. In 45 Antony was again reconciled to Caesar, 
and on bis cbief being elevated to the rank of a divinity was 
appointed bis flamen or special priest In the memorable year 
44 Caesar and Antony were Joint consols. Anton/s action on 
the festival of the Lupercalia has been already mentioned. On 
the occasion of the murder he stood outside the Senate bouse, 
detained in eamest conversation by one of the conspirators who 
feared bis interference. 

3. Immediately after the murder the Senators fled in alarm 
firom the Senate spreading dismay throughout the city. The 
conspirators brandishing their blood-stained daggers ran to the 
Capitol prodaiming the downfall of the tyrant and the advent 
of liberty. There they were visited in the evening by Cicero 
and others. Antony and Lepidus fearing to share the fate of 
their cbief fled to private bouses for refuge ; but the fright of 
the former was tempered with discretion and he succeeded the 
same night in maldng bimself master of the treasure deposited 
in the temple of Ops as well as of Caesar's papers which he 
obtained f^om dalpumia. On the following day Dolabella 
. assumed the consulship in the place of Caesar. He visited the 
conspirators in the Capitol and retumed to the forum with 
M. Brutus and Cassius who barangued the people. But the 
populace seems to have been too paralysed by the suddenness 
of the catastrophe to be capable of concerted thought or action, 
and the conspirators retumed to the Capitol without having 
made any distinct impression. They then opened negotiations 
with Antony and Lepidus which resulted in a meeting of the 
Senate being beld on the i/th in the temple of Tellus, the 
iqpproaches to which were protected by a strong armed force, 
wbere an amnesty was prodaimed, a general authorisation was 
granted to all Caesar's acts, and arrangements made for bis 
funeraL A public meeting was also held in the forum at which 
Lepidus and Antony addressed the people amid mingled cries 



— ~*— — ^-^— — '^'■'^— — ~^— — — — — ^~— — ^*-^— ^ •»'—*~' ' ' MI im 



I 



INTRODUCTION. xiii 

* of menace and applause, though the general feeling seemed to 
indine in favour of peace. On the same day Brutus addressed 
a tiunultuous meeting in the precincts of the CapitoL To 
ensure the safety of the conspirators Antony sent them his 
little son as a hpstage. On the i8th another meeting of the 
ji Senate was held at which all the conspirators were present, and 

the principal business that was transacted was the settlement 
of the provincial govemments. Macedonia, Syria, Asia, 
Bithynia, Cisalpine Gaul were assigned respectively to M. 
Brutus, Cassius, Trebonius, Cimber and D. Brutus. On the 
iQth or 20th the funeral took place, and it was then that 
Antony, after enumerating by the mouth of a herald the decrees 
passed in Caesar's honour, added a few laudatory remarks* on 
the character of the deceased, which had a Singular effect in 
arousing the feelings of the assembled multitude. The excited 
mob seized upon every combustible object within reach, piled 
them in a heap, placing the dead body on the top, and bumt 
the whole to ashes. Not content with this they hurried with 
lighted brands to the curia of Pompey, the scene of the murder^ 
and set it on fire, and also bumt several private houses. Most 
of the conspirators, terrified at this sudden outburst of re- 
sentment, quitted the city in haste. The prompt vigour of the 
consul Dolabella soon restored order and confidence, and 
Cicero warmly praises him for killing the impostor Amatius 
and for overthrowing the column of Numidian marble that 
had been erected on the scene of the funeraL But Antony had 
leamed the art of bribery from Caesar, and now that he was 
possessed of Caesar's treasure, he could exercise his art 
effectively. It was not long before he bought over Dolabella, 
whose defection was a great blow to Cicero and those who 
wished to reestablish the old republic on a ürm basis. Soon 
after the funeral Antony had begun to promulgate a series of 
arbitrary measures, which for the most part made the patriots 

* Dr Reid reminds me that the traditional view of this speech which 
represents it as a marvellous exhibition of impassioned eloquence and 
histrionic art is not in accordance with the sober account giren of it by 
SüetomnB, 



\ 



^ «V INTRODUCTION. 

regaxd him as a second despot By these laws, some of which 
are referred to in the course of this speech, he abolished the 
Office of dictator, distributed certain lands to the veterans, 
altered the Constitution of the criminal courts, restored from 
exile some notorious offenders, made a chan^^ in the tenure of 
provindal govemmentSy and altered the assignment of those 
govemments. Beside these enactments he granted Privileges in 
die way of ezemption from tribute and other fiscal burdens to 
individuals or communities who were wiUing to purchase them, 
and all this in pretended compliance with Caesar's written 
instructionsy for which purpose, if Cicero may be believed, he 
organised a System of wholesale forgery of documents purporting 
to be Caesar's. Some time in April he made a joumey into 
Campania to arouse the veterans in his favour, and was in 
danger of being killed in a disturbance at Capua. Cicero 
inveighs bitterly against his riotous excesses on this joumey. 
After his retum to Rome in May, he remained in the city tili 
October^ when he paid a short visit to Brundisium apparently 
for the purpose of securing to his interest the newly arrived 
Macedonian legions. At the end of November he again left 
Rome to open the campaigpi against D. Brutus. But it is now 
time to consider the circumstances in which the Philippic 
oiadons were delivered. 

4. Mr.rcus Tullius Cicero does not appear to have had any 
share in the conspiracy against Caesar's life, but when the news 
of the murder was brought him his delight was unbounded. 
Letter after letter in his private correspondence gives expression 
to his exultation at the fall of the tyrant; only one defect, as he 
afterwards discovered, marred the glorious deed; it was in- 
complete because Antony was allowed to survive. On the I5th 
he had an interview with the conspirators in the CapitoL He 
seems to have been in some way a witness of the appropriation 
of the treasure in the temple of Ops. On the I7th he spoke 
in favour of the proposed amnesty. But the populär revulsion 
<^ feeling after the funeral of Caesar wamed him that Rome , 
was not a fit place for patriots, and accordingly at the end of 
April he Startedona long projected Visit toGreece. Htttac^Yitd. 



• - 



INTROJDUCTION. vr 

the coast in July alter many stoppages on the way at various 
country villas, and took ship to Rhegium whence he paid a 
hasty Visit to Syracuse. From Rhegium he set sail for Greece 
in August, but was driven back by contrary winds. He then 
heard that there was a change for the better in the political 
outlook at Rome and that there was a prospect of the retum of 
Brutus and Cassius. He thereupon hurried back to be in time 
for the fuU meeting of the Senate announced for the ist of 
September. He arrived on the last day of August, but being 
by his own account fatigued by his joumey he did not attend 
the house on the first, having haturally no desire to hear Antony 
propose a public thanksgiving in Caesar's honour. Thereupon 
Antony furious at his absence and supposed indecision threaten- 
ed to pull or bum down his house if he did not come. On the 
2nd Cicero attended and delivered his first Philippic in which 
he gently expostulated with Antony, who was not present, for 
his conduct The tone of the speech was throughout conciliatory 
and judicious. But nothing could appease Antony's resentment 
against his old foe. He spent about a fortnight, if Cicero may 
be trusted, practising declamation in Scipio's villa at Tivoli, 
and on the iQth appeared in the Senate house which he had 
surrounded with his armed retainers and delivered a vehement 
invective against Cicero who prudently stayed away. In reply 
to this attack Cicero wrote, but never delivered, the famous 
second Philippic which for lofty eloquence and scathing irony 
has seldom if ever been surpassed. It was not published tili 
after Anton/s departure from Rome. The third and fourth 
. Philippics were delivered in December ; the remaining ten in 
the spring of 43. On the 7th of December of that year Cicero 
was murdered near Caieta by order of the triumvirs Antony, 
Lepidus, and Octavian who cemented their alliance by a general 
proscription of the most prominent of their personal enemies 
amounting, it is said, to many hundred persons. 

5. Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, the first, if we except 
Julius, of the great line of Roman Emperors, was bom in aa 63, 
and was the son of M. Octavius and Atia daughter of M. Atius 
Baibus whose wife was Julia, sister of C Julius Caesar. He 



. \ 



- Scvi INTRODUCTION. 

was therefore the great nephew of Julius. Though not mentioned 
in the second Philippic he was already a prominent personage 
as Julius* adopted son and heir. On leaming the news of the 
snurder he crossed to Italy from ApoUonia where he had heen 
completing his education and jottrae3red to Rome, having an 
interview with Cicero on the way at PuteolL He arrived in 
Rome at the end of ApriL On the 9th of May he was introduced 
by the tribune Tib. Canutius to a public assembly at which he 
delivered a speech promising to carry out the testamentary 
behests of his unde who had left a lazge sum of money to be 
divided among the Roman people. It was only natural that a 
rupture should ensue sooncar or later between him and Antony, 
and we are told that a strong feeling of jealousy and suspicion 
cxisted between them from the very first During Antony's 
joumey to Brundisium in October Octavian made overtures and 
grants of money to some of the military colonies established by 
his unde, and won over to his side two of the newly arrived 
Macedonian l^ons, a course of proceeding which made it dear 
to thoughtful observers that he had in view a war with Antony. 
iU the end of the year he opened negotiations with D. Brutus, 
offering him aid against Antony. War was dedared in January 
43, and at the end of April Antony was totally defeated in the 
b^tle of Mutina. The further course of the war lies beyond 
the scqpe of the Philippic orations. 



!äSd>«^h*MMMb 






ANALYSIS. 



§ I. The foes of the State have always been my foes ; take 
care lest you meet with their fate. I attacked them because 
they were foes to the common weal, but I have never attacked 
you, why then this rage against me? § 2. Is it due to con- 
tempt? or do you think the Senate will sympathise with you? 
or do you want to enter the lists with me in rhetoric? Your 
motive is to ingratiate yourself with the foes of your country. 
§ 3. First of all I will reply to your chaige of broken friend- 
ship. 

You say I once ran counter to your interests. How could I 
do otherwise in that particular case? You want to reconmiend 
yourself to the mob by this reference to your humble relations. 
You say you once came to me for instruction; no; better for 
you if you had. § 4. You say it was through your giving way 
to me that I got the augurship : absurd, you had no influenae 
then. § 5. You say you did not kill me at Brundisium and that 
I ought to be gratefuL What merit is it to abstain from a crime ? 
§ 6. But granting the truth of this, have I been ungrateful? 
Did I not speak of you the other day in the mildest and 
friendliest terms, far beyond your deserts? § 7. You shall 
understand to-day how kind it was of me to abstain from 
reviewing your conduct You read a letter purporting to come 
from me, Whsit a breach of conMenceV ^ %• And how foolish 



' ^xvüi ANALYSIS. 

of youl What would you say, and how show off your eloquence 
to your armed satellites (by the way, \ wonder whether your 
eloquence could defend them on a Charge of homicide I) if I were 
to deny that I wrote it? How could you prove it, expert 
though you are in handwriting? § 9. But I do not deny it 
Fool that you are, you object to it because I wrote it in a 
friendly and respectful tone, as though I were addressing a good 
man. I will not read your letter in which you ask m^ to restore 
one of your friends from exile. Why should I interfere in your 
lieadlong course? § la You had Caesar's permission to restore 
him, why ask for mine? \ 

I hope the Senate will give me a patient hearing when I f 
speak against you and for myself. I can hardly treat you as a \ 
true consuL § ii. My consulship was devoted to the Service \ 
of the Senate ; you and Clodius (the bane of whose life is yours ^ 
too) alone censured it § la. Many good and able men, now / 
deadi wannly praised my consulship. § 13. So does L. Cotta, j 
who still liveSy who decreed me a unique honour; § 14. so \ 
does your Unde L. Caesar^ whom you ought to have made 
your firiend and adviser, instead of the proiligates § 15. whose 
sodety you frequent Do you assert in this temple, hallowed 
by such memories, that your consulship is better than mine? 
§ 16. All the best men in Rome ilocked to the Capitol to guard 
the Senate, not bands of slaves to force it, as you pretend. 
§ 17. No one failed in that hour of periL You assert falsely 
that I refused to let your stepfather be buried. § 18. Why 
remind us of your connection with him? Your speech was 
contradictory in reference to your step-father's punishment 
§ 19. Again how can you talk of the armed force on the Capitol 
in my consulship when this temple is beset with your retainers? 
§ 2a You laughed at my verses, but you are not the person to 
jodge either my verses or my conduct 

§ 21. You Said that I instigated the murder of Qodius ; or 
at all events rejoiced at it : you önce tried to kill him yourself. 
\ 21. No one charged me with this at the enquiry. 

§ 23. You say I caused the war by severing Pom^csf %si<^ 
Caesar ; your dates ane wrong ; I once tiitd to do 10 \oxk% 



ANALYSIS. xix 

before the civil war. § 24. I twice ui^ed Pompey to thwart 
Caesar^ but zny advice was always disregarded. I wished they 
had tithcr never formed or never broken their alliance. 

§ 25» You say I counseUed the znurder of Caesar* The 
Suggestion is flattering but untrue. §§ 261 27. If I had, my 
name would have been talked of ; besideS| our glorious regicides 
needed no uiging from me. § 28. You say that Brutus, while 
yet redhandedi called out my name ; no doubt because he feit 
he had rivalled my fonner exploits. § 29. Fool, do you not 
see that to rejoice at the deed is as criminal as to counsel it? 
In respect of their joy all good men are equally guilty with me. 
§ 3a You are so stupid as to compliment Brutus and abuse 
mel And your judgement is as faulty as your language. 
Decide whether these men were murderers or liberators. 
§ 31. They must be either criminals or patriots; you always 
treat them with respect, as though you thought them patriots. 
§ 32. You acquit them of guilt and must therefore think them 
worthy of honour. I will teil them never to deny that I had a 
band in this most glorious deed. § 33. The odium of the deed 
is nothing compared to the glory. Happy men worthy of honour 
in all times J § 34. If I had been one of them I should not have 
spared you. But how do you defend your own conduct? You 
were notoriously implicated in the plot, though the deed required 
a truer man than you are. § 35. If you were asked to whom the 
deed was profitable, you might well say to yourselfl § 36. It has 
saved you from min. However do not fear, no one is likcly to ac- 
cuse you of the deed. Now for your lesser charges against me. 

§ Z7. You blame me for my conduct in Pompe/s camp. I 
confess I was despondent, not for my own life, but because 
I saw the Coming disasters. Would that my counsels had 
been followedJ § 38. Then Rome would have seen nomore 
of you. But you say I alienated Pompey. We disagreed, but 
retained our friendship. § 39. Those who were with him in 
his flight know what he thought of me. You Charge me with 
imtimely joking, to which I need hardly reply. § 4a I must 
have hit the mean^ if you Charge me first with gloom and then 
witbgaiety» 

Ä p. \ 



\ 






ANALYSIS. 

Ycm say that I have received no inheritance. Better for my 
firiends if I had not! But I haye^ and to a great amount. § 41. 
You have money left yoa by persons yoa have never seen, whose 
proper hetrs yoa manage to oust § 43* Yet you never took 
«p your father's inheritance. 

And it was to bring such charges as these that you studied 
xiietoricl What a difference between you and your grandfather ! 
§ 43. How absurdly you pay your teacherl But enough of 
your chaiges against me. Now let me examine your conduct 

§ 44« To begin with your boyhood: even then you were 
notorioosly in debt; soon you feil under Curio's influence. 
§ 45. Curio*s £ither in distress at the trouble you brought on 
bis £unily asked me to interfere. § 46. I did so with some 
snccessy an unpleasant remembrance for you. 

§ 47. Enough of your youthful excesses ; let us pass on to 
the rest of your life^ and I hope the Senate will hear me 
patiently. 

§ 48. Yoa became a friend of Godius and encouraged his 
wicked designs. Then you went to Alexandria with Gabinius, 
a fitdng associate. Thence to Gaul, neglecting your own home 
which was in the hands of your creditors. § 49. You retumed 
to stand for the quaestorship, in which I helped you. You tried 
to kill QodiuSy professing a desire to gratify me, but I gave you 
no cncouragement § 5a You were elected. . Suddenly, setting 
aU rules at defiance^ you went off to Gaul, to glut yourself with 
raptne. Thence retuming, a beggar, you stood for the tribune- 
sihip. 

Now I will lelate your crimes against the State. § 51. In 
that Office you defied the Senate which had to declare you a 
public enemy. § 52. No other course was open to that body 
in face of your Opposition, and you had to fiy to Caesar. 
§ 55. You were the cause of his making war on his country ; 
be owned it himseli. § ^ History will teil how luly was 
devastated. § 55. And you were the cause of it alL But you 
did some deeds of special infamy. § 56. You restored a 
notorioas criminal firom exile» but överlpokcd your baxusbed 
nncie. % $7» Every one knows how you cppttsseA. Wa^i 



ANALYSIS. xxi 

when left in Charge by Caesar. § 58. You displayed your 
luxury and your in£amy throughout the lancL 

§ 59. In the civil war, a delicate subject to händig you 
were successluL At Brundisium you were good enough to spare ' 
my life. § 6a Granting your service to zne, your insolence 
has interfered with zny gratitude; yet you knew what reply I 
had in störe. § 61. You retumed to your old ways at Brun- 
disium. § 62. Again you spread havoc over Italy. You were 
made Caesar's Master of Horse. You lived like a bandit 
§ 63. Some of your actions were disgusting. § 64. Caesar 
retumed from the East victorious. Pompe/s estates were sold, 
you alone had the face to bid for them. § 65. Did you 
dread the wrath of gods and men? How you glutted youxWlf 
on that hero's wealth ! § 66. In a few days it was all squandered. 
j § 67. No words can express your wanton profiision. § 68. You 
I entered his hallowed house; the thought of it must have 
1 haunted your dreams, madman though you are. § 69. The 
purity of that household was once proverbiaL But in a sudden 
fit of virtue, you got rid of your mistress, your only good deed. 
I § 7a You call yourself 'a consul and an Antony'; but you bring 
discredit on your name. Now I retum to the civil war* 

§ 71. Bloodthirsty warrior though you were, you let your 
Chief go alone to Africa. On his retum he sued you for the 
J purchase money of Pompe/s house. §72. You remonstrated 
at the supposed injustice. § 73. But in vain. You had to put 
up for sale everything you could scrape togpther. § 74. The 
auction was stopped. Report says you tried to murder Caesar. 
He gave you a few days' grace and went to Spain. You were 
too poor spirited to follow. § 75. Dolabella was at Caesar's 
side in his three great battles, while you got no farther than 
Narba Meanwhile Pompe/s heirs were trying to recover their 
property. § 76. What did you do on your retum» you who 
critidse my retum ? You went about begging for the consulship^ 
instead of canvassing like your fore£athers. § 77* After drinking 
at Saxa Rubra you concocted a surprise for your wife. § 78. 
People laughed when you said you had come tb look after your 
property. 



2XÜ ANALYSI& 

Yoo met Caesar oo bis xetum finom Spain and curried fitvour 
agiuiiy § 7^ secttring the consulship and trying to ooit 
DolabeOa. § 8a Though Caesar had promised the offce to 
Dolabella you said tliat as augur you would vitiate the election. 
§ 8i. You could have done it equally well as consul, but 
you are as Ignorant as you are shameless. § 82. How abject 
yoa were when in office I When the day for Dolabella's election 
came^ the prooeedings went on as usual ; § 85. when saddenly 
you interposedy feigning some unfavourable sign. But I must 
not prejudge Dolabella's case. § 84. Confess that you were 
drunky or explain the meaning of your interposition. 

But now for the Lupercalia, the very mention of which 
makes you start § 85. You ofiered Caesar a diadem which 
lie refused. § 86. You begged him to take it and so make 
you a slave. He is killed and yet you survivel § 87. You 
liad your action entered in the public records ; no wonder there 
as no rest for such a traitor to our liberties. 

§ 88. Caesar was going to discuss Dolabella's case on the 
Idesy but was murdered first This reminds me how precipi- 
tately you fled that day. § 89^ I always said what your 
conduct would be. I saw nothing of you tili the i/th. 
§ 9a On that day you behaved well» but only through fear. 
Then you presided over the funeraL § 91. It was you who 
roused the mob to fury. Yet directly aAerwards you proposed 
some sensible resolutions. § 92. People thought the republic 
was leviving, but I knew better. You started a shameless 
traffic in grants and Privileges, doing your best to ruin the 
State, f 95. You seized the public treasure and paid your debts 
with it You and your fiiends sold decrees, one in particular about 
DeiotaruSi § 94 who was a bitter foe to Caesar, yet nowreceives 
from you a grant purporting to have been made him by Caesar. 
§ 95» 9^- '^c wording of it betrays it You and Fulvia drew up 
the bondy which even your lawyer will teil you is of little avail, 
for Deiotarus recovered his possessions for himself after Caesar's 
deathy instead of waiting to purchase them from yoiL § 97. 
You forged innumerable documents, one, both mischievous 
^md absurd, about Cretc; § 98. ' You restoted exWcA, taL^>aii^\x>!^ 



ANALYSIS. xxiü 

only two or three from your compassion, as you did your / 
uncle, whom you once urged to stand for the censorship to 
the general amusement § 99. When the time came, you left 
him in the lurch, as you did in the case of the land commission. 
His daughter too you divorced with public insult § loa The 
written behests said to have been left by Caesar, which were 
to have been submitted to the consideration .of the Senate 
on the first of June, were published and sold by you long 
before. 

How shameful that journey of yours through Italy in AprÜ 
and May when you were all but killed at Capua ! § loi. Would 
you could be quite! You settled your minions in those rieh 
domains, to the great loss of the State. § 102. You conducted 
a colony to Casilinum where one existed already. § 103. Then 
you took possession of Varro's villa pretending that you had 
bought it from Caesar. § 104. This was false ; in fact Caesar 
requested you to give it up. No one would permit you to retain 
it How you disgraced the house during your occupation of it ! 
§ 105. That seat of leaming was befouled by your orgies. 
§ 106. On your retum to Rome people left their villages to 
greet you, but you treated them with contempt. § 107. Other 
towns you worried for their loyalty to our patriots. In your 
absence Dolabella behaved nobly at Rome, but your retum 
comipted him. § 108. Your approach to Rome reminded 
US of the worst days of Cinna, Sulla and Caesar. § 109. The 
Senate was deserted, but you nevertheless set to work to resdnd 
all Caesar's acts and set aside his bequests. 

§ IIa Your office as Caesar's fiamen binds you to do him 
reverence, yet you now neglect the religious ceremonies held in 
his honour. §111. You ask whether I approve of them : of 
course not, but you ought to do so. What answer have you? 
Lay bare your thoughts as you once did your person. 

§ 112. Enough of the past Defend your conduct this day. 
Why is the forum thronged with your mercenaries? § 113. Your 
power must fall soon ; perhaps your wife will aid us. The State 
has its patriots whose chief desire is to preserve peace^ but even 
peace must not be bought at the price of liberty. § 114* They 



:xziv ANALYSIS. 

bave set a glorious example of tyrannidde» and their ezample 
is casy of imitation. 

§ 1 1 5. Remember the day when you abolished the dictator« 
ship. How difierent your conduct nowl Sunk in vice, you 
have lost all taste for tnie glory ; you are insensible even to fear. 
§ 1x6. If you do not fear your foes, fear your friends. Even 
Caesar iell a victim to the righteous Indignation of bis friends. 
§ 117. You resemble bim in ambition only. Rome bas 
leamt a lesson, and perbaps one of our patriots will take it to 
heart § 118. Your punisbment will not linger. Recondle 
yoursdf to the republic before it be too late. I have always 
served tbe State iaitbfully and will not desert it now; I would 
even die for it § 119. Twenty years ago I dedared my 
readiness to di^ and deatb would now be a bappy crowning 
point to aU my Services. If I die, may I leave Rome free, and 
snayeacb memberof our State meet tbe destinytbat be deserves. 



•Ma«MMM«^ft«MMM«hiMaritaMMiMritaMMi*ri»MUIl6lili«ilriMM 



M. TULLI CICERONIS 



ORATIO PHILIPPICA 



SECUNDA. 



I. QuONAM meo fatOi patres conscriptii fieri dicamy ut 1 
nemo his annis viginti rei publicae fuerit hostis, qui non 
bellum eodem tempore mihi quoque indixerit? Nee vero 
necesse est quemquam a me nominari : vobiscum ipsi recor- 

5 damini. Mihi poenarum illi plus quam optarem dederunt ; 
te miror, Antonie quorum facta imitere, eorum exitus non 
perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis minus mirabar. Nemo 
enim illorum inimicus mihi fuit voluntarius : omnes a me rei 
publicae caussa lacessiti. Tu ne verbo quidem violatus, ut 

lo audacior quam Catilina, furiosior quam Clodius viderare, ultro 
me maledictis lacessisti, tuamque a me alienationem com- 
mendationem tibi ad impios civis fore putavistL Quid S 
putem ? contemptumne me ? Non video nee in vita nee in 
gratia nee in rebus gestis nee in hae mea medioeritate ingenii 

15 quid despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu fadllime de 
me detrahi posse eredidit? qui ordo clarissimis dvibus bene 
gestae rei publicae testimonium multis, mihi uni eonservatae 
dedit An decertare mecum voluit eontentione dieendi? 
Hoe quidem est benefieium. Quid enim plenius, quid 

touberius quam mihi et pro me et contra Antonium dieere? 
lUüd profecto : non existimavit sm änäibxv:^ \iQban posse» 



■»■«fmpM^R^ 



2 CICERONIS [1 2 . 

3 se esse hostem patriae^ nisi mihi esset inimicus. Cui prius 
quam de ceteris rebus xespondeo, de amidtia, quam a me 
violatam esse criminatus est, quod ego gravissimum crimen 
iudicOy pauca dicam. 

IL Contra rem suam me nesdo quando venisse questus s 
est An ^o non venirem contra alienum pro familiari et 
necessario? Non venirem contra gratiam non virtutis spe 
collectam ? Non venirem contra iniuriam, quam iste inter- 
cessoris iniquissimi benefido obtinuit, non iure praetorio? 
Sed hoc idcirco commemoratum a te puto, uti te infimo m 
ordini commendares, cum omnes te recordarentur libertini 
generum et liberos tuos nepotes Q. Fadi, libertini hominis, 
fuisse. At enim te in disdplinam meam tradideras — nam ita 
dixisti — ; domum meam ventitaras. Ne tu, si id fedsses, 
melius famae, mdius pudidtiae tuae consuluisses. Sed \% 
neque fecisti nee, si cuperes, tibi id per C Curionem facere 

4 licuisset. Auguratus petitionem mihi te concessisse dixisti 
O incredibilem audaciaml o impudentiam praedicandam ! 
Quo enim tempore me augurem a toto collegio expetitiun 
Cn. Pompdus et Q. Hortensius nominaverunt — ^nec enim m 
licebat a pluribus nominari — , tu nee solvendo eras nee te 
ullo modo nisi eversa re publica fore incolumem putabas. 
Poteras autem eo tempore auguratum petere, cum in Italia 
C Curio non esset? aut tum, cum es factus, unam tribum 
sme Curione fexre potuisses?' cuius etiam familiäres de vi %i 
condemnati sunt, quod tui nimis Studiosi fuissent« 

5 IIL At benefido sum tuo usus. Quo? quamquam 
illud ipsum, quod commemoras, semper prae me tuIL Malui 
me tibi debere confiteri, quam cuiquam minus prudenti non 
satis gratus viderL Sed quo benefido? quod me Brundisii 30 
non ocdderis? Quem ipsevictor, qui tibi, ut tute gloriari 
solebas, detulerat ex latronibus suis prindpatum, salvom esse 
Töluisse^ in Italiam ire iussisset, eum ta ocddL^i^"^ '^^K. 



IV 7] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 3 

potuisse. Quod est aliud, patres conscripti, benefidum 
latronuiü, nisi ut commemorare possint, eis se dedisse vitam, 
quibus non ademerint? Quod si esset beneficium, numquam 
qui illum interfecerunti a quo erant conservatii quos tu ipse 

5 clarissimos viros soles appellare, tantam essent gloriam con- 
secutL Quäle autem beneficium est, quod te abstinueris 
nefario scelere ? Qua in re non tarn iucundum mihi videri 
debuit non interfectum me a te,quam miserum te id impune 
facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quando quidem maius 6 

fo acdpi a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes me dicere in- 
gratum? An de interitu rei publicae queri non debui, ne in 
te ingratus viderer? At in^lla querella, misera quidem et 
luctuosa, sed mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me senatus populus- 
que Romanus collocavit» necessaria, quid ^ est dictum a me 

15 cum contumelia? quid non moderate? quid non amice? 
Quod quidem cuius temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio que- 
rentem, abstinere maledictis? praesertim cum tu reliquias 
rei publicae dissipavisses; cum domi tuae turpissimo mercatu 
omnia essent venalia; cum leges eas, quae numquam promul- 

ao gatae essent, et de te et a te latas confiterere ; cum auspida 
augur, intercessionem consul sustulisses; cum esses foedissime 
stipatus armatis; cum omnis impuritates pudica in domo 
cottidie susciperes vino lustrisque confectus. At ego, tam- 7 
quam mihi cum M. Crasso contentio esset, quocum multae 

•5 et magnae fuerunt, non cum uno gladiatore nequissimo, de re 
publica graviter querens, de homine nihil dixL Itaque hodie 
perficiam ut intellegat/ quantum a me beneficium tum ac- 
ceperit 

IV« At etiam litteras, quas me sibi misisse diceret, red- 

30 tavit homo et humanitatis expers et vitae communis ignarus. 
Quis enim umquam, qui paulum modo bonorum consueta- 
dinem nosset, litteras ad se ab amico missas offensione aliqna 
interposita in medium protulit palamque redtavit ? Quid est 



^ CICERONIS [IV 7 

-adiad tollere ex vita vitae sodetatem, tollere amicorum coUo- 

^ida absentituD ? t^uam multa ioca solent esse in epistulis, 
'^uae prolata si sinti inepta videanturi quam multa seria, 

:^ieque tarnen uUo modo divolganda I Sit hoc inhumanitatis 
stultitiam incredibilem videte. Quid habes quod mihi % 
>pponaSy homo diserte, ut Tironi et Mustelae iam esse 
^^^deris? qui cum hoc ipso tempore Stent cum gladüs in con- 
^pecttt senatusy t%o quoque te disertum putabo, si ostenderis, 
'^uomodo sis eos inter sicarios defensurus. Sed quid opponas 
"^andemi si nq;em me umquam ad te istas litteras misisse? lo 
^^2^0 me teste convincas? An chirographo? in quo habes 
^sdentiam quaestuosam. Qui possis ? sunt enim librari manu. 
-TTam invideo magistro tuo, qui te tanta mercede, quantam 
^am proferam, nihil sapere doceat Quid enim est minus 
^^lon dico oratorisy sed hominis, quam id obicere adversario, \% 
^uod ille si verbo negarit, longius progredi non possit, qui 
'^obiecerit? At t%o non nego: teque in isto ipso convinco 
^^lon inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam amentiae. Quod enim 
^verbum in istis litteris est non plenum huroanitatis, offid, 
"lenevolentiae? Omne autem crimen tuum est, quod de te w 
^^Sn his litteris non male existimem ; quod scribam tamquam 
-^ad dvem, tamquam ad bonum virum, non tamquain ad 
^Bceleratum etlatronem« At ego tuas litteras, etsi iure 
:^poteram a te lacessitus, tamen non proferam : quibus petis 
^^t tibi per me liceat quendam de exsilio reducere, adiurasque, %i 

^d te invito me non esse factururo, idque a me impetras. 

'<2uid enim me intexponerem audaciae tuae? quem neque 
-^uctoritas huius ordinis, neque existimatio populi Romani, 

oieque leges ullae possent coercere. Verum tamen quid erat 

^^^od me rogares, si erat is, de quo rogabas, Caesaris lege 30 
:^rädnctus? Sed videlicet meam gratiam voluit esse : in quo 
ipdus quidem uUa esse poterat lege lata. 
y» Sed cum mihi, patres conscripti, et pio m<^ ^<c^v^ 



V 12] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 5 

et in M. Antonium multa dicenda sint: ialterum peto a 
vobis, ut me pro me dicentem benigne, alterum ipse effidam 
ut| contra illum cum dicam, attente audiatis. Simul illud 
oro: si meam cum in omni vita, tum in dicendo moderatio- 
5 nem modestiamque cognostis, ne me hodie, cum isti, ut 
provocavit, respondero, oblitum esse putetis meL Non 
tractabo ut consulem: ne ille quidem me ut consularem. 
Etsi ille nuUo modo consul, vel quod ita vivit vel quod ita 
rem publicam gerit vel quod ita factus est : ego sine ulla 

10 controversia consularis. Ut igitur intellegeretisi qualem ipse 11 
se consulem profiteretur, obiedt mihi consulatum meum. 
Qui consulatus verbo meus, patres conscripti, re vester fuit. 
Quid enim ego constitui, quid gessi, quid egi» nisi ex huius 
ordinis . consilio, auctoritate, sententia? Haec tu homo 

15 sapiens, non solum eloquens, apud eos, quorum consilio 
sapientiaque gesta sunt, ausus es vituperare? Quis autem 
meum consulatum, praeter te Publiumque Clodium, qui 
vituperaret, inventus est? Cuius quidem tibi fatum, sicut 
C Curioni, manet: quoniam id domi tuae est, quod fuit 

to illorum utrique fatale. Non placet M. Antonio cön^latus 12 
meus. At placuit P. Servilio, ut eum primum nominem ex 
illius temporis consularibus, qui proxime est mortuos: placuit 
Q. Catulo, cuius semper in hac re publica vivet auctoritas : 
placuit duobus Lucullis, M. Crasso, Q. Hortensio, C. Curioni, 

•5 C. Pisoni, M'. Glabrioni, M'. Lepido, L. Volcatio, C Figulo, 
D. Silano, L, Murenae, qui tum erant consules designati : 
placuit idem quod consularibus M. Catoni ; qui cum multa 
vita excedens providit, tum quod te consulem non vidit 
Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius probavit; 

y> qui, ut me primum decedens ex Syria vidit, complexus et 
gratulans, meo benefido patriam se visurum esse dixit Sed 
quid singulos commemoro? Frequentissimo senatui sie 

placuit, ut esset nemo, qui mihi non ut paxtxixi ^graAiaa äderet ; 



6 CICERONIS [Vxj 

qui non mihi vitam suam, fortunas» liberos, rem publicam 
xefenet acceptara. 

13 VL Sed quoniam illis» quos nominavi» tot et talibus 
viris res publica <H:bata est, veniamus ad vivos, qui duo de 
consularium numero reliqui sunt L. Cotta, vir summo in- % 
genio summaque prudentia, rebus eis gestis, quas tu repre- 
hendis» supplicationem decrevit verbis amplissimis, eique Uli 
ipsi, quos modo nominavi, consulares senatusque cunctus 
assensus est; qui bonos post conditam hanc urbem habitus 

14 est togato ante me nemini. L. Caesar, avonculus tuus, qua lo 
oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate sententiam dixit in 
sororis suae vinmii vitricum tuum 1 Hunc tu cum auctorem 
et praeceptorem omnium consiliorum totiusque vitae debu- 
isses habere, vitrid te similem, quam avonculi maluistl 
Huius ego alioius consiliis consul tum usus sum : tu sororis 15 
filius, ecquid ad eum umquam de re publica rettulisti? At ad 
quos refert? Di immortales ! ad eos scilicet, quorum nobis 

ISetiam dies natales audiendi sunt Hodie non descendit 
Antonius. Cur? Dat nataliciam in hortis« Cui? Neminem 
nominabo. Putate tum Phormioni alicui, tum Gnathoni, m 
tum etiam Ballioni.' O foeditatem hominis flagitiosam 1 O 
impudentiam, nequitiam, libidinem non ferendam ! Tu cum 
principem senatorem, civem singularem, tam propinquom 
babeas, ad eum de re publica nihil referas : referas ad eos, 
qui suom rem nuUam habent, tuam exhauriunt ? «s 

VIL Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, perniciosus 
mens. Adeone pudorem cum pudidtia perdidisti, ut hoc in 
eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quo ego senatum illum, qui 
quöndam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, consulebam, tu 

IChomines perditissimos cum gladüs collocavisti? At etiam 30 
ausus es— quid autem est, quod tu non audeas? — divom 
Caiutdinum dicere me consule plenum servorum armatorum , 
ftitsse. Ut iUa, credo^ nefaria Senaten cotfix^Xa^ fi<^txi\^^rsfiL 



immjmim»*^^^^ 



9 



VIII 19] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. 7 

afferebam senatui. O miseri sive illa tibi nota non sunt— 
nihil enim boni nosti — sive sunt, qui apud talis viros tarn 
impudenter loquarel Quis enim eques RomanuSi quis 
praeter te adulescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui se 

5 civem esse meminisset, cum senatus in hoc templo esset» ip 
divo Capitolino non fuit? qub nomen non dedit?. Quam- 
quam nee scribae sufficere, nee tabulae nomina illorum 
capere potuerunt Etenim cum homines nefarii de patriae 17 
parricidio confiterentur, consciorum indicüs, sua manu, voce 

10 paene litterarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, dves trucidare, 
vastare Italiam, delere rem publicam consensisse; quis esset, • 
qui ad salutem communem defendendam non exdtaretur? 
praesertim cum senatus populusque Romanus haberet 
ducem, qualis si qui nunc esset, tibi idem quod Ulis acddit 

15 contigisset / Ad sepulturam corpus vitrici sui negat a me 
datum. Hoc vero ne P. quidem Clodius dixit umquam. 
Quem, quia iure ei inimicus fui, doleo a te Omnibus vitiis 

. .esse superatum. Qui autem tibi venit in mentem redigere in 18 
memoriam nostram, te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum? An 

so verebare, ne non putaremus natura te potuisse tam improbum 
evadere, nisi accessisset etiam disciplina? 

"^ VIII. Tam äutem eras excors, ut tota in oratione tua 
tecum ipse pugnares ; ut non modo non cohaerentia inter se 
diceres, sed maxime diiuncta atque contraria ; ut non tanta 

95 mecum, quanta tibi tecum esset contentio 1 Vitricum tuum 
fuisse in tanto scelere fatebare, poena affectum querebare. 
Ita quod proprie meum est, laudasti: quod totum est 
senatus, reprehendisti. Nam comprehensio sontium mea; 
animadversio senatus fuit 'Homo disertus non intellegit 

30 eum, quem contra, dicit, laudari a se; eos, apud quos dicit, 
vituperari. lam illud cuius est, non dico audaciae-— cupit 10 
enim se audacem — , sed, quod minime volt, stultitiae, qua 
vincit' omnis, divi Capitolini menlVoxvtm iafiei«> cum inter 



« CICERONIS [VIII 19 

subsellia nostia versentur arznati? cum in hac cella Con- 
coxdiae, di immortales I in qua me consule salutares sententiae 
dictae sunt» quibus ad hanc diem viximus, cum gladüs 
hommes collocati Stent? Accusa senatum; accusa equestrem 
oidinemi qui tum cum senatu copulatus fuit; accusa omnis 5 
oxdinesy omnis civis, dum confiteare hunc ordinem hoc ipso 
tempore ab Ityraeis circumsederL Haec tu non propter -^^ 
audädam dids tam impudenter, sed quia, qui tantam rerum ^^ ^ 
repugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. Quid est 
enim dementius, quam, cum rei publicae perniciosa arma 10 

20 ipse ceperisy obicere alten salutaria ? At etiam quodam loco . , 
facetus esse voluistL Quam id te, di boni, non decebatl 
loTquo est tua culpa non nulla. Aliquid enim salis a mima 
uxore tiahere potuisti. Cedant arma togae. Quid? tum 
nonne cesserunt? At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Quae- 15 
ramus igitur, utrum melius fuerit, libertati populi Romani 
sceleratorum arma, an libertatem nostram armis tub cedere. 
Nee vero tibi de versibus plura respondebo; tantum dicam 
breviter: te neque illos, neque ullas omnino litteras nosse: 
me nee rei publicae nee amids umquam defuisse, et tamen m 
omni genere monumentorum meorum perfedsse ut meae^^ 4- 
ijg^liae meaeque litterae et iuventuti utilitatis et nomini^^^/1 
Romano laudis aliquid afferrent Sed haec non huius tem- 
poris: maiora videamus. 

21 IX. P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixistL •$ 
Quidnam homines putarent, si tum occisus esset, cum tu 
illum in foro spectante populo Romano gladio insecutus es 
nq;otiumque transegisses, nisi se iUe in scalas tabemae 
libxariae coniedsset eisque oppilatis impetum tuum com- 
pressisset? Quod quidem ego favisse me tibi fateor, suasisse y> 
ne tu quidem dicis. At Miloni ne favere quidem potui; 
prius enim rem transegit quam quisquam eom {%i^\x£Da^ >&. 
tmplcaxetur. At ego suasl Sdlictt \s mm>^ ^x^X^ISL^^^ 



Xa4] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. 9 

• 

ut prodesse rei publicae sine suasore non possetI Atlaetatus 
SUHL Quid ergo? in tanta laetitia cunctae civitatis me unum 
tristem esse oportebat? Quamquam de morte Clodi fuit22 
quaestio— non satis prudenter illa quidem constituta; quid 
^ 5 enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui hominem occi- 
\ disseti cum esset legibus quaestio constituta? quaesitum est 

tamen — : quod igitur, cum res agebatur, nemo in me dixit, 
id tot annis post tu es inventus qui diceres? Quod vero29 
dicere ausus es idque multis verbis, opera mea Pompeium 

10 a Caesaris amidtia esse diiunctum ob eamque caussam 
culpa mea civile bellum esse natum : in eo non tu quidem 
4^1' ^ tota re, sed» quod maximum est, t empori bus errastL 

X. Ego M. Bibulo, praestantissimo cive, consuIe,L nihil 
praetermisi, quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium * 

15 a Caesaris coniunctione avocarem« In quo Caesar felicior 
fuit; ipse enim Pompeium a mea familiaritate diiunxit 
Postea vero, quam se totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit, quid 
^go illum ab eo distrahere conarer? Stulti erat sperare: 
suadere impudentis. Duo tamen tempora indderunt, quibus 24 
• aliquid contra Caesarem Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim re- 
prehendas, si potes: unum, ne quinquenni impcrium Caesari 
prorogaret : alterum, ne pateretur ferri, ut absentis eius ratio 
haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis persuäsissem, in has miserias 
numquam inddissemus. Atque idem ego, cum iam opes 

n omnis et suas et populi Romani Pompeius ad Caesarem 
detulisset seroque ea sentire coepisset, quae ego multo ante 
provideram, inferrique patriae bellum viderem nefarium : 
padsi concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non destiti, 
nieaque illa vox est nota multis: Utinam, Cn. Pompei, 

y>cum C. Caesare societatem aut numquam coisses, 

aut numquam diremissesi fuit alterum gravitatis, 

alterum prudentiae tuae. Haec mea, M. Antoni, 

semper et de Pompeio et de le publica consiliafuerunt: quae 



xo CICERONIS [X 24 

si valuissenti res publica staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, in- 
famia conddisses. 

25 XI. Sed haec vetera : iUud vero recens, Caesarem meo 
consilio interfectum. lam yereor, patres conscripti, ne, quod 
turpissimum est, praevaricatorem mihi apposuisse videar, qui f 
me non solum meis laudibus omareti sed etiam alienis. Quis 
enim meum in ista societate gloiiosissimi facti nomen audivit? 
Cuius autemy qui in eo numero fuisset» nomen est occulta- 
tum? occultatum dico? cuius non statim divolgatum? Citius 
dixerim iactasse se aliquos, ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, 10 
cum consdi non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet qui 

26 fuisset Quam veri simile porro est in tot hominibus partim 
obscurisy partim adulescentibus neminem occultantibus, 

.meum nomen latere potuisse ? Etenim si auctores ad liber- 
andam patriam desiderarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego %%. 
impellerem, quorum uterque L. Bruti imaginem cottidie ^ 
videret, alter etiam Ähalae? Hi igitur bis maioribus ab 
alienis potius consilium peterent quam a suis? et foris 
potius quam domo? Quid? C. Cassius, in ea familia 
natus, quae non modo dominatum, sed ne potentiam quidem to 
cuiusquam ferre potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit: 



qui etiam sine bis darissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad 



\ 
\ 

ostium fluminis Cydni confecisset, si ille ad eam ripam, quam j 

27 constitueraty non ad contrariam navis appulisset. Cn. Domi- | 

dum non patris interitus, clarissimi viri, non avonculi mors, «s i 

non spoliatio dignitatis ad recuperandam libertatem, sed | 

mea auctoritas exdtavit? An C. Trebonio ego persuasi? c 

coi ne suadere quidem ausus essem : quo etiam maiorem ei • 

res publica gratiam debet, qui libertatem populi Romanl \ 

unius amidtiae praeposuiti depulsorque dominatus quam yi ] 
particeps esse maluit An L. Tillius Cimber me est auc- 
' torem secutus? quem tigp magis fecisse illam rem sum ad* 
iiitnitu% quam £ictarum putavi| adnanAXA ^>aXtm ^ t»ssk 



taMM <ii « ■ ■ i f»ni i rmr- mr -lf- r*^ ••■P*'*^« 






'.vi 

vi 



vi 



•J>* 



XII 30] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. ix 

caussam, quod immemor benefidorum, memor patriae fuisset 
Quid? duos Servilios — Cascas dicam, an Ahalas?— et hos 
auctoritate mea censes excitatos potius quam caritate rei 
publicae? Longum est persequi ceteros : idque rei publicae 
s praeclarum, fuisse tarn multos, ipsis gloriosum. 

XII. At quem ad modum me coarguerit homo acutus 28 

recordamixiL Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim cruentum 

alte extollens M. Brutus pugionem Ciceronem nominatim 

exclamavit atque ei recuperatam libertatem est gratulatus. 

10 Cur mihi potissimum ? Quia sdebam ? Vide ne illa caussa 

fuerit appellandi mei, quod, cum rem gessisset consimilem 

rebus eis, quas ipse gesseram, me potissimum testatus est se 

aemulum mearum laudium exstitisse. Tu autem, omnium29 

j stultissime, non inteüegi^ si, id quod me arguis, voluisse 

;' isinterfid Caesarem crimen sit, etiam laetatum esse morte 

\ Caesaris crimen esse ? Quid enim interest inter suasorem 

' facti et probaterem? aut quid refert, utrum voluerim fieri an 

. gaudeam factum ? Ecquis est igitur exceptis eis qui illum 

J regnare gaudebant, qui illud aut fieri noiuerit aut factum 

'\ toimprobarit? Omnes ergo in culpa. Etenim omnes boni, 

quantum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, 

aliis animus, aliis occasio defuit: voluntas nemini. SedSO 

stuporem hominis vel dicam pecudis attendite. Sic enim 

dixit: Brutus, quem ego honoris caussa nomino, 

85 cruentum pugionem tenens Ciceronem exclamavit: 

% -ex quo intellegi debet eum conscium fuisse. Ergo 

-ego sceleratus appellor a te, quem tu suspicatum aliquid 

suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem prae se pugionem tulit, is a te 

lionoris caussa nominatur? Esto: sit in verbis tuis hie 

90 Stupor: quanto in rebus sententiisque maior? Constitue 

•hoc, consul, aliquando : Brutorum, C Cassi, Cn. Domiti, C. 

Treboni, reliquorum quam velis esse caussam : .edormi cra- 

pulam, inquam, et exhala. An faces admovendae sunt, quae 

p. P. 4 



za CICERONIS [XII 30" 

ezdtent tantae caussae indormientem? Numquamne in- 
tell^es, statuendum tibi esse, utrum illi, qui istam rem 
giesserunty homicidae sint an vindices libertatis ? 

Sl XIIL Attende enim paulisper cogitationemque sobrii 
hominis punctum temporis suscipe. ]^o, qui sum illorum, 5 
nt ipse fiUeoTy familiaris; ut a te aipior, sodus, nego quic- 

\ quam esse medium: confiteor eos, nisi liberatores populi 
Komani conservatoresque rei publicae sint, plus quam si- 
carios» plus quam homiddas, plus etiam quam parriddas 
esse, si quidem est atrodus patriae parentem quam suum 10 
ocddere. Tu homo sapiens et considerate, quid dids? Si 
parriddasy cur honoris caussa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et 
apud populum Romanum semper appellati ? Cur M. Brutus 
referente te legibus qst solutus» si ab urbe plus quam decem 
dies afttisset? cur ludi Apollinares incredibili M. Bruti \% 
honore cdebrati? cur provindae Bruto et Cassio datae? cur 
quaestores additi? cur legatorum numerus auctus? Ätque 
haec acta per te ; non igitur homicidas. Sequitur ut liberal- 
tores tuo iudido, quando quidem tertium nihil potest esse. 

32 Quid est? num oonturbo te? Non enim fortasse satis quae « 
diiunctius dicuntur intellegis. Sed tapen haec summa est 
condusionis meae: quoniam scelere a te liberati sunt, ab 
eodem te amplissimis praemüs dignissimos iudicatos. Itaque 
iam retexo orationem meam. Scribam ad illos ut, si qui 
forte quod a te mihi obiectum est quaerent sime verum, ne n 
cui n^ent Etenim vereor ne aut celatum me mis ipsis non 
honestum; aut invitatum refugisse mihi sit turpissimum. 
Quae enim res umquam, pro sancte luppiter I non modo in 
hac urbe^ sed in omnibus terris est gesta maior? quae 
gkmosior? quae commendatior hominum memoriae sempi- a» 
temae? In huius me tu consili sodetatem tamquam in 

SSeqnom Ttoianum cum prindpibus indudis? Nonrecuso: 
" agO etiam gratias^ quoquo animo fads. Tanta enim res es^ 



■«M«M 






XIV 36] ORATIO PHILITPICA SECUNDA. 13 

ut invidiam istani, quam tu in xne vis concitare, cum laude 
non comparem« Quid enim beatius illis, quos tu expükos a 
te praedicas et relegatos ? qui locus est aut tam desertus aut 
tam inhumanus qui illos, cum accesserint, non affari atque 

sappetere videatur? qui homines tam agrestesy qui sc, cum 
eos adspexerinti non maximum cepisse vitae fructum putent? 
quae vero tam immemor posteritaiSy quae tam ingratae litterae 
xeperientur, quae eorum gloriam non immortalitatis memoria 
prosequantur? Tu vero adscribe me talem in numerum. 

M XIV. Sed imam rem vereor ne non probes. Si enim 84 
fuissem, non solum regem, sed regn^ etiam de re publica 
sustulissem: et, si meus stilus illenusset, ut dicitur, mihi 
crede^ non solum unum actum, sed totam fabulam coxi- 
fecissem. Quamquam si interfici Caesarem voluisse crimen 

13 est, vide, quaeso, Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quem et 
Narbone hoc consilium cum Trebonio cepisse notissimum 
est, et ob eius consili societatem, cum interficeretur Caesar, 
tum te a Trebonio vidimus sevocari. Ego autem — vide quam 
tecum agam non inimice— quod bene cogitasti aliquando, 

•o laudo : quod non indicasti, gratias ago : quod non fecisti, 
ignosco. Virum res illa quaerebat Quod si te in iudicium 35 
quis adducat usurpetque illud Cassianum, cui bono fuerit, 
vide, quaeso, ne haereas. Quamquam illud fuit, ut dicebas . 
quidem, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant : tibi tamen 

«5 praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas ; qui 
maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis liberavisti ; qui per 
easdem tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti ; ad 
quem e domo Caesaris tam multa delata sunt; cuius domi 
quaestuosissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirograr 

90 phorum officina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatium, vecti- 
galium flagitiosissimae nundinae. Etenim quae res egestati 36 
«t aeri alieno tuo praeter mortem Caesaris subvenire potu- 
isset? Nesdo quid conturbatus esse videris: numquid sub- 

4— a 



-.14 CICERONIS [XIV 3Ö 

times ne ad te hoc crimen pertinere videatur? Libero te 
xnetu : nemo credet umquam ; non est tuum de re publica 
1)ene mereri; habet istius pulcherrimi facti darissimos viros 
zes publica auctores: ego te tantum gaudere dico, fedsse non 
4ugua Respondi maximis criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis 9 
respondendum est 

37 XV. Castra mihi Pompei atque illud omne tempus 
^biedstL Quo quidem tempore si, ut dixi» meum consilium 
auctoritasque valuisset, tu hodie egeres, nos }iberi essemus; 
xes publica non tot duces et exercitus amisisset Pateor » 
enim me, cum ea quae acdderunt providerem futura, tanta 
in maestitia fuissCi quanta ceteri optimi dves, si idem provi- 
dissenty fiiissenL Dolebam, dolebam, patres conscripti, rem 
publicam vestris quondam meisque consilüs conservatam 
Inrevi tempore esse perituram« Nee vero eram tam indoctus \% 
ignarusque rerum, ut frangerer animo propter vitae cupidi- 
tatem, quae me manens coniiceret angoribus, dimissa molestüs 
Omnibus liberaret Illos ego praestantissimos viros, lumina 
id publicae, vivere volebam, tot consularis, tot praetorios, tot 
lionestissimos senatores, omnem praeterea florem nobilitatis w 
ac iuventutisy tum optimorum dvium exerdtus : qui si vive- 
lenty quamvis iniqua condicione pacis — ^mihi enim omnis pax 
com dvibus bello civili utilior videbatur — ^rem publicam 

88 hodie teneremus. Quae sententia si valuisset, ac non d 
maxime mihi, quorum ^o vitae consulebam, spe victoriae «5 
elati obstitissenty ut alia omittam, tu certe numquam in hoc 
ordine, vd potius numquam in hac urbe mansisses. At vero 
Cn. Pompd voluntatem a me alienabat oratio mea. An ille 
quemquam plus dilexit? cum ullo aut sermones, aut consilia 
contulit saepius ? Quod quidem erat magnum, de summa xe 3» 
publica dissentientis in eadem consuetudine amiddae permap 
* nere. Ego, quid ille, et contra ille, quid ego sentirem et 
spectarem, yidebat Ego incolumitati dvium primum, ut 



XVI 4x] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 15 

postea dignitati possemus; ille praesenti dignitati potius 
consulebat. Quod autem habebat uterque quid sequeretur, 
iddrco tolerabilior erat nostra dissensio. Quid vero ille 39 
singularis vir ac paene divinus de me senserit, sciunt qui 

seum de Pharsalia fugaPaphum persecuti sunt Nuxnquam 
ab eo mentio de me nisi honorifica, nisi plena amicissimi 
desideri, cum me vidisse plus fateretur, se speravisse meliora. 
Et eius viri nomine me insectari audes, cuius me amicum, te 
sectorem esse fateare? 

to XVI. Sed omittatur bellum illud, in quo tu nimium 
felix fuistL Ne de iocis quidem respondebo, quibus me in 
castris usum esse dixistL Erant quidem illa castra plena 
curae : verum tamen homines quamvis in turbidis rebus sint» 
tarnen, si modo homines sunt, interdum animis relaxantur. 

IS Quod autem idem maestitiam meam reprehendit, idem 40 
iocum, magno argumento est me in utroque fuisse modera- 
tum. 

Hereditatem mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum 
verum crimen esset I plures amici mei et necessarii viverent 

•oSed qui istuc tibi venit in mentem? Ego enim amplius 
sest^rtium ducentiens acceptum hereditatibus rettuli. Quam- 
quam in hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo 
nisi amicus fecit heredem, ut cum illo commodo, si quod 
erat, animi quidam dolor iungeretur : te is, quem tu vidisti 

ts numquam, L. Rubrius Casinas fecit heredem. Et quidem 41 
vide, quam te amarit is, qui albus ate^e fuerit ignoras. 
Fratris filium praeteriit, Q. Fufi, honestissimi equitis Roman! 
suique amicissimi, quem palam heredem semper factitarat, 
ne nominat quidem : te, quem numquam viderat aut certe 

9» numquam salutaverat, fecit heredem. . Velim mihi dicas, nisi 

molestum est, L. Turselius qua fade fuerit, qua statura, quo 

munidpio, qua tribu. ''Nihil sdo," inquies, ''nisi quae 

pmedia habuenV* Igitur fratrem exheredans te &debat 



i6 CICERONIS [XVI 41 

heredem. la multas praeterea peconias altenissiinorum 
hominum vi eiecds veris heredibus^ tamquam heres esset, 

42 invasit Quamquam hoc maxime admixatus suniy mentionem 
te hereditatum ausum esse £ficere^ com ipse hereditatem 
patris non adisses. s 

XVIL Haec ut coUigeres, homo amenttssime, tot dies 
in aliena villa dedamasti? quamquam tu quidera, ut tui 
fiunüiarissimi dictitanti vini exhalandi, non ingeni acuendx 
caussa declamitas. At vero adhibes iod caussa magistrum, 
su£Bragio tuo et compotorum tuorum rhetorem^cuiconcessisti %• 
ut in te quae vellet dicereti salsum omnino hominem : sed 
materia facilis est in te et in tuos dicta dicere. Vide autem 
quid intersit inter te et avom tuum. lUe sensim dicebati 

43quod caussap prodesset; tucursim dicis aliena. At quanta 
merces rhetori data est \ Audite, audite, patres conscripti^ %$ 
et cognosdte rei publicae volnera. Duo milia iugcnim campi 
Leontini Sex. Clodio rhetori assignasti et quidem immunia, 
nt populi Romani tanta mercede nihil sapere disceres. Num 
- edam hoc, homo audacissime, ex Caesaris commentariis? 
Sed dicam alio loco et de Leontino agro et de Campano : m 
quos iste agros ereptos rei publicae turpissimis possessoribus 
inquinavit lam enim, quoniam criminibus eins satis res- 
pondi, de ipso emendatore et correctore nostro quaedam 
dicenda sunt. Nee enim omnia efifundam, ut, si saepius 
decertandum sit, ut erit, semper novus veniam : quam t$ 
facultatem mihi multitudo istius vitiorum peccatorumque 
laxgitur. 

4i XVIII. Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero? Sic, 
opinor. A prindpio ordiamur. Tenesne memoria praetex- 
tatum* te decoxisse? Patris, inquies, ista culpa est Con^a» 
oeda Etenim est pietatis plena.defensio. Ulud tarnen 
andaciae tuae, quod sedisti in quattuordedm ordinibus, cum 
esset lege Rosda decoctoribua certus locus» quamvia quis 



■BiMMMMmiMMMiaMi 



XIX 47] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 17 

(^ j fortunae vido, non suo decoxisset. Sumpsbti virilem to- 
gam sed dto Cario interveniL Nemo umquam puer tarn 45 
fuit in domini potestate quam tu in Curionis. Quotiens 
te pater eius domu sua eiecit? quotiens custodes posuit, 

sne limen intiares? cum tu tarnen nocte socia, cogente 
mercede, per tegulas demitterere. Quae flagitia domus 
iila diutius ferre non potuit Scisne me de rebus mihi 
notissimis dicere? Recordare tempus illud, cum pater 
Curio maerens iacebat in lectö; filius se ad pedes meos 

i^prosternens lacrimans te milii commendabat; orabat ut te 
contra suum patrem, si sestertium sexagiens peteret, defen- 
derem: tantumenimse pro te intercessisse dicebaL Ipse 
äutem amore ardens confirmabat, quod desiderium tui disddi 
ferre non posset, se in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego 46 

IS quanta mala florentissimae familiae sedavi vel potius sustuli I 
Patri persuasi ut aes alienum fili dissolveret ; redimeret adu- 
lescentem, summa spe et animi et ingeni praeditum, rei 
familiaris facultatibus ; eumque a tua non modo familiaritate, 
sed etiam congressionefpatrio iure et potestate*? prohiberet. 

•o Haec tu cum per me acta meminisses, nisi illis, quos vi- 
demus, gladüs confideres, maledictis me provocare ausus 
esses? 

XIX. Sed iam flagitia omittamus : sunt quaedam, quae 47 
honeste non possum dicere: tu autem eo liberior, quod 

ts ea in te admisisti, quae a verecundo inimico audire non 
posses. Sed reliquom vitae cursum videte : quem quidem 
celeriter perstringam. Ad haec enim, quae in civili hello, in 
maximis rei publicae miseriis fecit, et ad ea, quae cottidie 
facity festinat animus. Quae peto ut, quamqüam multo 

90 notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, tamen, ut facitis, attente audi- 
atis. Debet enim talibus im rebus excitare animos non cog- 
nitio solum rerum, sed edam recordatio. Etsi incidamus 
opinor, media, ne nimis sero ad extrema veniamus. 



i8 CICERONIS . [XIX4B 

48 Intimus erat in tribunatu Clodio, qui sua eiga me bene- 
ficia commemorat; eins oxnnium incendiorum fax: cuius 
etiam doroi iam tum quiddam molitus esL Quid dicam ipse 
optime intellegit Inde iter Alexandream contra senatus 
auctoritatem, contra rem publicam et religiones: sed habebat s 
ducem Gabinium, quicum quidvis recti^ime facere posset 
Qui tum inde reditus aut qualis ? Prius in ultimam Galliam 
ex Aegypto quam domum. Quae autem domus? Suam 
enim quisque domum tum obtinebat, nee erat usqiuun tua. 
Domum dico? quid erat in terris, ubi in tuo pedem poneres, so 
praeter unum Misenum, quod cum socüs tamquam Sisaponem 
tenebas? 

49 XX. Venisti e Gallia ad quaesturam petendam. Aude 
dicere te prius ad parentem tuam venissQ quam ad me. Ac- 
ceperam iam ante Caesaris litteras, ut mihi satis fieri paterer is 
a te: itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus de gratia. 
Postea sum cultus a te, tu a me observatus in petitione 
quaesturae. Quo quidem tempore P. Ciodium approbante 
I>opulo Romano in foro es conatus occidere : cumque eam 
rem tua sponte conarere, non impulsu meo, tamen ita praedi- m 
cabasy te non existimare, nisi illum interfedsses, umquam 
mihi pro tuis in me iniuriis satis esse facturum. In quo 
demiror, cur Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, 

X cum te ultro mihi idem illud deferentem numquam sim ad- 
hortatus. Quamquam, si in eo perseverares, ad tuam gloriam %i 

50 rem illam referri malebam quam ad meam gratiam. Quaestor 
CS £u:tus. Deinde continuo sine senatus consulto, sine sorte, 
sine lege ad Caesarem cucurristL Id enim unum in terris 
egestatis, aeris alieni» nequitiae perditis vitae rationibus per- 
fttgium esse ducebas. Ibi te cum et illius largitionibus et je 
tuis xapinis explevisses, si hoc est explere^t quod statim 

- effundas, advolasti egens ad tribunatumi ut in eo magistratu« 
si posses^ viri tui similis esses. 



nttämamdUmSüiiSm 



XXII 53] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. i^ 

XXI. Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae ipse in se, 
atque in domesticum decus impure et intemperantery sed 
quae in nos fortunasque nostras, id est in universam rem 
publicam, impie ac nefarie fecerit Ab huius enim scelere 
s^mnium malorum principium natum reperietis. Nam, cum 61 
"L. Lentulo C. Marcello'cönsuCSus Kalendis lanuarüs la- 
bentem et prope cadentem rem.publicamfulcire cuperetis, 
ipsique C. Caesari, si sana mente esset, consulere velletis : 
tum iste venditum atque emancipatum tribunatum consiliis 

«ovestris opposuit cervicesque suas ei subiedt securi, qua 
multi minoribus in peccatis occiderunt In te, M. Antoni, 
id decrevit senatus et quidem incolumis, nondum tot lumini- 
bus extinctis, quod in hostem togatum decemi est solitum 
more maiorum. Et tu apud patres conscriptos contra me 

15 dicere ausus es, cum ab hoc ordine ego conservator essem, 
tu hostis rei publicae iudicatus? Commemoratio illius tui 
sceleris intermissa est, non memoria deleta. Dum genus 
hominum, dum populi Romani nomen exstabit, quod quidem 
erit, si per te licebit, sempitemum, tua illa pestifera intercessio 

«o nominabitur. Quid cupide a senatu, quid temere fiebat, cum 52 
tu unus adulescens Universum ordinem decemere de- salute 
rei publicae prohibuisti, neque semel, sed saepius? neque tu 
tecum de senatus auctoritate agi passus es? Quid autem 
agebatur, nisi ne deleri et everti rem publicam funditus velles, 

•5 cum te neque principes civitatis rogando neque maiores natu 
monendo neque frequens senatus agendo de vendita atque 
addicta sententia movere potuit? Tum illud multis rebus 
ante temptatis necessario tibi volnus inflictum est, quod 
paucis ante te, quorum incolumis fuit nema Tum contra te 

9» dedit arma hie ordo consulibus reliquisque imperiis et potes- 
tatibus : quae non effugisses, nisi te ad arma Caesaris contu- 
lisses. 
' XXiL Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps C Caesari 53 



90 CJCEROmS [XXII 53 

omnia pertorbare copiend caussam belli contra patriam m- 
' ferendi dedistL Quid enim aliud ille dicebat? quam caussam 
sui demendssimi consili et £icti afferebaty nisi quod inter- 
cessio n^lecta, ius tribunidum subtatum, drcumscriptus % 
senattt esset Antonius? Omitta quam haec falsa, quam^ 
levia, praesertim cum omnino nulla caussa iusta cuiquam esse 
possit contra patriam arma capiendL Sed nihil de Caesare r 
tibi ceite confitendum est caussam pernidosissimi belli peiv 
Msona tua constitisse. O miseram te, si haec intellegisl mise- 
riorem, si non intellegis, hoc litteris mandari, hoc memoriae m 
prodi, huius rtk ne posteritatem quidem omnium seculorum 
umquam iromemorem fore, consules ex Italia expulsos cum- 
que eis Cn. Pompeium, quod imperi populi Romani decus 
ac lumen fuit, omnis consularis, qui per valetudinem exsequi / < 
cladem*illam fugamque potuissent, praetores, praetorios, is .. 
tribunos plebisy magnam partem senatus, omnem subolem* 
inrentutisy unoque verbo rem publicam expulsam atque ex- 

55 terminatam suis sedibus I Ut igitur in seminibus est caussa 
arborum et stirpium, sie huius luctuosissimi belli semen tu 
fuistL Doletis tris exercitus populi Romani interfectos : m 
interfedt Antonius. Desideratis clarissimos dvis: eos quoque 
vobis eripuit Antonius. Auctoritas huius ordinis afflicta est: 
afflixit Antonius. Omnia denique, quae postea vidimus — 
quid autem mali non vidimus? — si recte ratiocinabimur, uni 
accepta referemus Antonia Ut Helena Troianis, sie iste 15 
huic rd publicae belli caussa, caussa pestis atque exiti fuit \| 
Reliquae partes tribunatus prindpi similes. Omnia perfedt, ^^^ 
quae senatus salva re publica ne fieri possent p^ecerat; 
Cuius tamen scdus in scdere cognosdte. 

56 XXIIL Restituebat multos calamitosos. In eis patruf 90 
nulla mentio. Si severus, cur non in omnis ? Si misericors, 
cur non in suos? Sed omitto ceteros. lidnium Denticulam 
d& alea condemnatum, coUusorem suum, re&tit»i^\ c^^ 



XXIV 59] ORATIO PHILIPPICA Sh. 

vero ludere cam condemnato non liceret t sed i. 
alea perdidera^ benefido legis dissolveret Quam 
rationexn populo Romano* cur eum restitui oporteret? 
sentem credo in reos relatum; rem indicta caussa iudicata». 
s nullum fuisse de alea lege iudidum ; vi oppressum et armis ; 
postcemo, quod de patruo tuo dicebatur, pecunia iudidum 
esse comiptum. Nihil homntr At vir bonus, et re publica 
dignus. Nihil id quidem ad rem r ego tarnen, quoniam con- 
demnatum esse pro nihilo est, ita. ignoscerenu Hominem 

Bo omnium nequissimum, qui non dubitaret vel in foro alea 
ludere, lege, quae est de alea, condemnatum qui in integrum 
restituit, is non apertissime Studium suum ipse proütetur? 
In eodem vero tribunatu, cum Caesar in Hispaniam profi- 57 
dscens huic conculcandam Italiam tradidisset, quae fuit eius 

\^ peragratio itinerum I lustratio municipiorum I Sdo me in 
rebus celebratissimis omnium sermone versari, eaque, quae 
dico dicturusque sum, notiora esse omnibus, qui in Italia 

, tum fuerunt, quam mihi, qui non fuL Notabo tamen singulas 
res : etsi nullo modo poterit oratio mea satis facere vestrae 

M sdentiae. Etenim quod umquam in terris tantum flagitium 
exstitisse auditum est? tantam turpitudinem? tantum de- 
decus ? 

XXIV. Vehebatur in essedo tribunus nlebis ; lictores 58 
laureati antecedebant; inter quos aperta lecuca mima porta- 

•5 batur; quam ex oppidis municipales homines honesti, obviam 
necessario prodeuntes, non noto illo et mimi^ nomme, sed 
Volumniam . consalutabant Horum flagitiorum iste ves- 
tigiis omnia munidpia, praefeoturas, colonias, totam denique 
Italiam impressit. 

3» Reliquorum factorum eius, patres conscripti, diffidlis est 59 
sane reprehensio et lubrica. Versatus' in hello est: saturavit 
se sanguine dissimillimorum sui dvium. Felix fuitv si potest 
Ulla in scelere esse felidtas- Sed quoniam veteranis cautum 



CICERONIS [XXIV 59 

A quamquam dissimilis est militum caussa et tua 

ati sunty tu quaesisti ducem — ^ tarnen, ne apud iUos 

invidiam voces, nihil de genere belli dicam« A^ctor e 

jssalia Bnindisium cum legionibus revertistL Ibi me non 

xxidistL Magnum beneficium 1 Potuisse enim fateor. 5 

Quamquam nemo erat eonim, qui tum tecum fuerunt, qui 

BOmihi non censeret pard oportere. Tanta est enim Caritas 
patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus essem, quod eam 
a me servatam esse meminissent Sed tac idte dedisse 
mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam, quia non so 
a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias hoc tuum 
beneficium sie tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim cum te haec audi* 
turum videres? 

61 XXV. Venisti Bnindisium ad tuam mimulam. Quid 
est? num mentior? Quam miserum est id negare non is 
posse, quod sit turpissimum confiteri I Si te municipiorum 
non pudebat, ne veterani quidem exercitus? quis enim miles 
fuit,qui Brundisii illam non viderit? quis quinescieritvenisse 
eam tibi tot dierum viam gratulatum? quis qui nonindoluerit 
. tam sero se quam nequam hominem secutus esset cognoscere? m 

ßSItaliae rursus percursatio eadem comite mima; in oppida 
militum crudelis et misera deductio; in urbe auri, aigenti, 
maximeque vini, foeda direptio. Accessit ut Caesare ignaro, 
cum esset ille Alexandreae, benefido amicorum eius magister 
equitum constitueretur. Tum existimavit se suo iure cum •i 
Hippia vivere et equos vectigalis Sergio mimo tradere. Tum 
sibi non hanc quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Pisonis 
domum ubi habitaret legerat Quid ego istius decreta, quid 
lapinas, quid hereditatum possessiones datas, quid ereptas 
proferam? Cogebat egestas : quo se verteret, non habebat j» 
Nondum ei tanta a L. Rubrio, non a L. Turselio hereditas 
venerat; nondum in Cn. Pompd locum, multorumque alio- 
rum, qui aberant^ repentinus heres succes&ex^X* "S^nx €l 



XXVI 6s] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 23 

vivendum latronum ritu, ut tantum haberet, quantum xapere 
potuisset 

Sed haeCi quae robustioris improbitatis sunt, omittamus : 63 
loquamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. Tu istis 

s faudbus, istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis fihni- 
täte tantum vini in Hippiae nuptüs exhauseras, ut tibi necesse 
esset in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. O rem 
non modo visu foedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter cenam 
in ipsis tuis immanibus Ulis poculis hoc tibi acddisset, quis 

10 non turpe duceret ? In coetu vero populi Romani, negotium 
publicum gerens, magister equitum, cui ructare turpe esset, is 
vomens frustis esculentis vinum redolentibus gremium suum 
et totum tribunal implevit Sed haec ipse fatetur esse in suis 
sordibus : veniamus ad splendidionu y 

IS XXVI. Caesar Alexandrea se recepit, felix, ut sibi qui- 64 
dem videbatur, mea autem sententia, qui rei publicae sit 
hostis, felix esse nemo potest Hasta posita pro aede lovis 
Statoris bona subiecta Cn. Pompei— miserum mel con« 
sumptis enim lacrimis tarnen infixus haeret animo dolor — , 

•o bona, inquam, Cn. Pompei Magni voci acerbissimae subiecta 
praeconis. Una in illa re servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit, 
servientibusque animis, cum omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus 
tamen populi Romani liber fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus 
quisnam esset tam impius, tam demens, tam dis hominibus- 

15 que hostis, qui ad illud scelus sectionis änderet accedere, in* 
ventus est nemo praeter Antonium, präesertim cum tot essent 
drcimi hastam illam, qui alia omnia auderent Unus in- 
ventus est qui id änderet, quod omnium fugisset et reformi- 
dasset audacia. Tantus igitur te Stupor oppressit, vel, ut 65 

90 verius dicam, tantus furor, ut primum, cum sector sis isto 
loco natus, deinde cum Pompei sector, non te exsecratum 
populo Romano, non.detestabilem, non omnis tibi deos, non 
omnis homines et esse inimicos et futuros scias? At quam 



tÜäM 



24 CICERONIS [X3CVI6S 

insolenter stadm helluo invasit m eins viri fortanas» cuius 
virtate tembQior erat populus Romanus exteris |;entibtti^ 
iiistitäi|cariorl 

XXVIL In dus igitur vin copias cum se subito in^ 
gurgitasset, ezsultabat gaudio persona de muno, modo ^ens, f 
zepente dives. Sed, ut est apud poetam nesdo quem, male 
68parta male dilabuntur« Incredibile ac simile portenti 
est, quonam modo illa tam multa quam paucis non dico 
mensibus, sed diebus efiiideriL Maximus vini numerus fuit^ 
permagnum optimi pondus aigenti, pretiosa vestis, multa et m. 
lauta supellex et magnifica multis locis, non iUa quidem 
luxuriosi hominis, sed tamen abundantis. Horum paucis 
67 diebus nihil erat QuaeCharybdis tam vorax? Chaiybdim 
dico? quae si fuit, animal tmum fiiit: Oceanus, me dius 
fidiuSy vix videtur tot res, tam dissipatas, tam distantibus in u 
locis positas tam cito absorbere potuisse. Nihil eratdausimy 
nihil ob^gnatum, nihil scriptum. Apothecae totae nequis- 
simis hominibus oondonabantur. Alia mimi rapiebant, alia 
mimae: domus erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebriorum: 
totos dies potabatur atque id locis pluribus : suggerebantur •• 
edam saepe— non enim semperiste/elix-<-damnaaleatoria. 
Con^$ Cn. Pompei penäti^mäfis servorum in cellis 
lectos Stratos videres. Quam ob rem desinite mirari haec 
tam celeriter esse consumpta. Non modo unius patri« 
monium quamvis amplum, ut illud fuit, sed urbis et regna «s 
celeriter t^ta'nliquäia devorare potuisset At idem aedis 
68 etiam et hortos, O audaciam immanemi tu etiam ingredi 
ülam domum ausus es? tu illud sanctissimum limen intrare? 

\.^ tu illarum aedium dis penatibus OS impurissimum ostendere? 

*^ Quam domum aliquamdiu nemo adspicere poterat, nemo j» 
sine lacrimis praeterire, iiac le ia domo tam diu devexsasi 
non pudet? in qua, quamvis nihil sapiai^ tamea nihil dhi 
potest esse hicundum. %• > 



XXIX 71] ORATIO PHIUPPICA ^CUNDA. 25 

XXVIIL An tu, illa in vestibulo rostra cum adspexisti, 
domum ttiam teintroireputas? Fieri non potest Quamvis 
enim sine mente, sine sensu sis^ ut es, tarnen et te et tiia et 
tuos nostL Nee vero te umquam neque vieilantem neque in 

s soninis credo posse mente consistere. Necesse est, quamvis 
sis, ut es, violentus et furens, cum tibi obiecta sit species 
singularis viri, perterritum te de somno excitari, furere etiam 
saepe vigilantem. Me quidem miseret parietum ipsorum69 
atque tectorunu Quid enim umquam domus illa viderat nisi 

M pudicum, quid nisi ex optimo mqre et sanctissima disciplina? 
Puit enim ille vir, patres conscripti, sicuti sdtis, cum foris 
darus tum domi admirandus, neque rebus extemis magis 
laudandus quam institutis domesticis :^uius in sedibus pro 
cubiculis stabula , pro condavibi|s popi!nae :sunt Etsi iam 

^negat Nolite quaerere. Frugi iactus est lUam mimam 
suam suas res sibi habere iussit, ex duodedm tabulis davis^ - ^^ 
ademit, exegit Quam piono spectatus avis, quam probatusil 
cuius ex omni vita nihil est honestius quam quod cum mima 
fecit divordum. At quam crebro usurpat, et consul et 70 

M Antonius I Hoc est dicere, et consul et impudicissimus, et 
consul et homo nequissimus. Quid est enim aliud Antonius? 
Nam si dignitas significaretur in nomine, dixisset, credo, ali- 
quando avos tuus se et consulem et Antoniiun. Numquam 
dixit. Dixisset etiam collega meus, patruos tuus, nisi si tu 

•I es solus Antonius. Sed omitto ea peccata, quae non sunt 
earum partium propria, quibus tu rem publicam vexavisti: ad 
ipsas tuas partis redeo, id est ad dvile bdlum: quod natum,. 
confTätum, susceptum opera tua est 

XXIX. Cui hello cum propter timiditatem tnam, tum 71 

30 propter libidines defuistl Gustaras dvilem sanguinem vel 
potius exsorbueras; fiierasin ade Pharsalica antesignaous; L. 
Domitium, clarissimum et nobilissimmn virum, ocdderas ; mul- 
tosque pcaeterea qui e proelio effugerant, quos Caesa]^ ut non 



a6 CICERONIS [XXIX 71 

nullos, fortasse senrasset, crudelissime persecutus truddaras. 
Qaibiis rebus tantis talibus gestis, quid fuit caussae cur in 
Africam Caesarem non sequerere, cum praesertim belli pars 
tanta restaret? Itaque quem locum apud ipsum Caesarem 
I>ost eius ex Africa reditum obdnuisti? quo numero fuisti? 5 
Cuius tu imperatoris quaestor fueras, dictatoris magister 
equitum, belli princeps, crudelitatis auctor, praedae .sodusi 
testamentOi ut dicebas ipse^ filius, appellatus es\de' pecunia, 

72 quam pro domo, pro hords, pro sectione debebas. Primo 
respondisti plane ferodter : et, ne omnia videar contra te, t6 
prope modum aequa et iusta dicebas. A me C Caesar 
pecuniam? cur potius, quam ^o ab illo? an sine me ille 
vidt? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad illum l>elli civilis 
caussam attuli; ^o l^es pemidosas f&gavi; ego arma 
contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, contra 15 
senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios, aras- 
que et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vidt? 
Quorum üsuunus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda 
communis? ^'lus postulabas: sed quid ad rem? Plus ille^^^^' 

73 poterat Itaque excüssis tuis vocibus et ad te et ad praedis t6? 
tuos milites misit : cum repente a te praeclara illa tabula x^' 
jurolata est Qui risus hominum I tantam esse tabulam,^tam ^ 
varias, tam multas possessiones, ex auibus praeter partem 
Miseni nihil erat quod is qui auctioxfäietur 'posset suum 
dicere. Auctionis vero miserabilis adspectus: vestis Pompei 15 
non multa eaque maculosa ; dusdem quaedam argentea vasa 
coUisa; sordidata mancipia: ut doleremus quicquam esse 

74 ex illis reliquils, quod videre possemus. Hanc tamen auctio* 
. nem heredes L. Rubri decreto Caesaris prohibuerunt Haere- 

bat netnSro^ quo se verteret, non habebat Quin his ipsis 90 
temporibus domi Caesaris percussor ab Isto missus depre* 
hensus dicebatur ^e cum sica. De quo Caesar in senatu 
' aperte in te invefiüe^ questus est Profidsdtur in Hispaniam 



XXX 76] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 27 

Caesar, paucis tibi ad solvendum propter inopiam tuam pro- 
ro^jatis diebu^ Ne tum quidem sequeris. Tarn bonus 

/> gladiator ruäem tarn cito? Hunc igitur quisquam, qui in 

^ suis partibus, id est in suis fortunis, tarn timidus fueri^ 
spertimescat? 

XXX. Frofectus est allquando tandem in Hispaniam ; 71 
sed tutOy ut ait, pervenire non potuit Quonam modo igitur 
Dolabella pervenit? Aut non suscipienda fuit ista cau^^Ct 
Antoni, aut, cum suscepisses^ defendenda usque ad extremum. 

SQ Ter depugnavit Caesar cum dvibus, in Thessalia, Africa, 
Hispania. Omnibus adfuit bis pugnis Dolabella: in His- 
paniensi etiam volnus accepit Si de meo iudido quaeris, 
noUem. Sed tamen consilium a primo reprehendendum, 
laudanda constantia. Tu vero quid es ? Cn. Pompei liberi 

IS tum primum patriam repetebant Esto : fuerit haec partium 
caussa communis. Repetebant praeterea deos patrios, aras, 
focos, larem suum famüiarem; in (^uae tu invaseras. Haec 
cum peterent armis ei, (;füorum^erant legibus — etsi in rebus 
iniquissimis quid potest esse aequi? — tamen quem erat 

■o aequissimum contra Cn. Pompei liberos pugnare? quem? 
Te, sectorem. An cum tu Narbone mensas hospitum cön- 7( 

. vomeres, Dolabella pro te in Hispania dimicaret? 

Qui vero Narbone reditus ? Etiam quaerebat, cur ego ex 
ipso cursu tam subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, patres 

15 conscriptiy caussam reditus mei. Volui, si possem, etiam 
ante Kalendas lanuarias proHesse rei publicae. Nam quod 
quaerebas, quo modo redissem : primum luce, non tenebris; ^^ 
deinde cum calceis et toga, nullis nee Gallicis, nee lacernäC 
At etiam adspicis me, et quidem, ut videris, iratus. Ne tu 
\ 30 iam mecum in gratiam redeas, si scias quam me pudeat ne- 
quitiae tuae, cuius te ipsum non pudet. • Ex omnium Omni- 
bus flagitiis nullum turpius vidi, nullum audivL Qui magister 
V« equitum fuisse tibi viderere, in proximum annum consulatum 

p. P. 5 



28 CICERONIS IXXX 76 

- i)etere8y vel potios rogares, per munidpia coloniasque Galliae, 
a qua nos tum, cum consulatus petebatur» non rogabatuTi 
I)etere consulatum solebamus, cum Gallicis et lacema cu- 
cuiristL 

77 XXXI. At videte levitatem hominis. Cum hora diei % 
decima fere ad Saxa rubra venissety delituif in quadam caupo- ^ 
nula atque ibi se occultans perpotavit ad vesperam ; inde 
TVusio celeriter ad urbem advectus domum venit capite ob- 
voluta lanitor, ''Quis tu?" ^'A Marco tabellarius." Con- 
festim ad eam,cuius caussa venerat; eique epistulam tradidit 10 
Quam cum illa legeret flens — erat enim scripta amatorie; 
Caput autem litterarum, sibi cum illa mima posthac nihil 
futurum: omnem se amorem abiedsse illim atque in hanc 
transfudisse— : cum mulier fleret uberius, homo misericors 
ferre non potuit; caput aperuit; in Collum invasit O ii 
hominem nequam 1 quid enim aliud dicam?^ magis proprio 
nihil possum dicere : ergo» ut te, nee dpiimto cum te os- P 
tendissesy praeter spem mulier adspiceret, iddrco urbem 
tcrrore noctumo, Italiam multorum dierum metu pertiur- 

78basti? Et domi quidem caussam amoris habuisti; foris ■» 
etiam turpiorem, ne L, Plancus praedis tuos venderet 
Productus autem in contionem a tribuno plebis, cum respon- 
dissesy te rd tuae caussa venisse, populum etiam dicacem in 
te reddid£il''*''Sed nimis multa de nugis. Ad maiora veni- 
amus. M$ 

XXXIL C Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam Ion- 
gissime processisti. Cderiter isti redisti, ut cognosceret te, 
si minus fortem, at tamen strenuom. Factus es d rursus 
nesdo quo modo familiaris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar : 
quem plane perditum aere alieno egentemque, si eundem 90 
nequam hominem audacemque cognorat» hunc in familiarita- 

70 tem libentissime redpiebat His igitur rebus praedare com* 
mendatus iussus es renuntiari consul et quidem cum ipso«. 






XXXIII 82] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUI^DA. 39 

Nihil queror de DolabeUa, qui tum est impulsus, inductus, 

hetusus. Qua in re quanta fuerit uterque vestrum perfidia in 

Dolabellam, quis igno^t ? lUe promissum et receptum in- 

tervertit ad seque transtmit: tu eius perfidiae voluntatem 

s tuam adscripsistL Veniunt Kalendae lanuariae ; cogimur 
in senatum; invectus est copiosius multo in istum et paratius ^^ 
Dolabella quam nunc ego. Hie autem iratus quae dixit» di 80 
boni 1 Primum cum Caesar ostendisset se, prius quam pro- 
ficisceretuFy Dolabellam consulem esse iussurum — quem 

te negant regem, qui et faceret semper eius modi aliquid et 
diceret — : sed cum Caesar ita dixisset : tum bic bonus augur 
eo se.^acerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis vel^ ^^>| 
impedire vel vitiare posset, idque se facturum esse asseveravit z^^*^ 
In quo primum incredibilem stupiditatem hominis cognos- 

15 cite. Quid enim ? istud, quod te sacerdoti iure facere posse 81 
dixisti, si augur non esses et consul esses, minus facere potu* 
issesPr^ide ne etiam facilius.j Nos enim nuntiationem 
solum häbemus : consules et reliqui magistratus etiam spec« 
tionem. Esto : rhoc ifhperit^ ; nee enim est ab homine num- 

•o quam sobrio postulanda prudentia : sed videte impudentiam. 
Multis ante mensibus in senatu dixit, se Dolabellae comitia 
aut prohibiturum auspiciis, aut id facturum esse, quod fecit. 
Quisquamne divinare potest, quid Viti in auspiciis futurum 
sit, nisi qui de caelo servare constituit? quod neque licet 

ts comitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit, non comitiis habitis, sed 
prius quam habeantur debet nuntiare. Verum implicata in- 
sdentia impudentia est; nee seit quod augurem, nee facit 
quod pudentem decet Itaque ex illo die recordamini eius 82 
usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Quis umquam apparitor 

90 tam humilis, tam abiectus ? Nihil ipse poterat ; omnia roga- 
bat; Caput in aversam lecticam inserens, benefida, quae 
venderet, a coUega petebat 

XXXIII. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies; sortitio 



30^ >' ^ CICERONIS [XXXIII 8a 

praerogativae: quiesdt Renuntiatur: tacet Prima dassis 
vocatur; renuntiatur; deinde, ita ut adsolet, sufiragia; tum 
secunda dassis vocatur :. quae omnia sunt dtius facta, quam 

83 dixL Confecto negotio bonus augur — C Laelium diceres — 
alio die inquit O impudentiam smgularem 1 Quid videras? % 
quid senseras? quid audieras? neque enim te de caelo ser- 
vasse dixisti, nee hodie dicis. Id igitur obyenit vitium, quod 
tu iam Kalendis lanuarüs futurum esse prövideras, et tanto 
ante praedixeiTas. Ergo hercule\m^gna^ ut spero, tua potius 
quam rei publicae calamitate emenötus es auspicia; ob- 10 
stnnmti' ^lijgione^populum Romanum ; augur auguri, consul 
consuli obnuntiasa Kolo plunu ne acta Dolabellae videar 
convellere: quae necesse est aliquando ad nostrum collegium 

84deferantur. Sed arrogantiam hominis insolentiamque cog- 
nosdte« Quam diu tu voles, vitiosus consul Dolabella: 1$ 
rursusy cum voles, salvis auspiciis creatus. Si nihil est, cum 
augur eis verbis nuntiat, quibus tu nuntiasti; confitere te, 
cum alio die dixeris, sobrium non fuisse : sin est aliqua vis 
in istis verbis, ea quae sit, augur a coUega requira 

XX^V. Sed, ne forte ex multis rebus gestis Antoni w 
rem unam^pulcherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veni- 
amus. Non dissimulat, patres conscripti: apparet esse com- 
motum; sudat, pallet Quidlibet, modo ne nauseet, fadat, -? ' 
quod in porticu Minucia fecit Quae potest esse turpitudinis ^ 
tantae defensio ? Cupio audire : ut videam, ubi rhetoris sit •% 

85 tanta merces, ubi campus Leontinus appareat Sedebat in 
rostris coUega tuus, a&iictus toga purpurea, in sdla aurea, 
coronatus. Escendis, accedis ad sellam — ita eras Lupercus, 
ut te consulem esse meminisse deberes — diadema ostendis. 
Gemitus toto fora Unde diadema? non enim abiectumao? 
i^ustul^iu, sed attuleras domo meditatum et cogitatum scdus. 
Tu diadema imponebas cum plangore populi : ille cum plausu 
- leidebat Tu eigo unus^ scelerate, inventus e& o^ cj^sol 







XXXV 88] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. 3t 

auctor regni esses^ eum» quem collegam habebas, dominum 
habere velles ; idem temptares, quid populus Rpmanus ferre 
et päd posset. At etiam misericordiam captabas : supplex86 
te ad pedes abiciebas ; quid petens? ut servires? Tibi um 

I peteres, qui ita a puero vixerasi ut omnia patei'ere» ut &cile 
servires: a nobis populoque Romano mandatum id certe 
non habeba& ^ O.praeclaram illam eloquentiam tuam, cum 
es nudus contionatusl'^Quid hoc turpius? quid foedius? 
quid suppliciis Omnibus dignius ? Num exspectas, dum te 

10 stimulis fodiaCmu^ ? haec te, si uUam partem habes sensus» 
laceraty haec cruentat oratia Vereor» ne imminiiam sum- 
morum virorum gloriam. Dicam tarnen dolore conmiotus. 
Quid indignius, quam vivere eum, qui imposuerit diadema,^ 
cum omnes fateantur iure interfectum esse, qui abiecerit? 

ii At etiam adscribi iussit in iastis^ad Lupercalia, C. Caesari» 87 
dictatori perpetuo, M. Antonium, consulem, populi * 
iussu regnum detulisse^ Caesarem uti noluisse. lam 
iam minime miror« te otium perturbare ; non modo urbem 
odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum perditissimis latronibus non 

•osolum de die/sed etiam in diem vivere. Ubi enim tu 'in 
pace consistes ? qui locus tibi in legibus et in iudidis esse 
potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu regio sustuli^ti? 
Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. 
Manlius necati, ut multis post seculis a M. Antonio, quod 

t| fas non est, rex Romae constitueretur? ^ 

XXXV. Sed ad auspida redeamus de quibus IdibusSS 
Martiis fuit in senatu Caesar acturus. Quaero; tum tu quid 
egisses^Audiebam equidem te paratum venisse, quod me 
de ementitis auspiciis, quibus tarnen parere necesse erat, 

aoputares esse dicturum. Sustulit illum diem Fortuna rei 
publicae. Num etiam tuum de auspiciis iudidum interitus 
Caesaris sustulit? Sed inddi in id tempus, quod eis rebus, 
in quas ingressa erat oratio, praevertendum est Quae tua 



32 CICERONIS [XX3CV88 

fuga r quae fonnido praedaro illo die ! quae propter con- 
sdentiam scelerum desperatio vitae ! cum ex illa fuga, bene- 
fido eorum, qui te, si sanus esses, salvom esse voluerunti 

89 dam te domum recepistL O mea frustra semper verissima 
auguria rerum futuiarum I Dicebam Ulis in Capitolio libera- % . 
toribus nostrisy cum me ad te ire vellent, ut ad defendendam 
rem publicam te adhortarer: quoad metueres» omnia te 
promissurum ; simul ac timere desisses, similem te futurum 
tuL Itaque, cum ceteri consulares irent redirent, in sententia 
mansi: neque te illo die, neque postero vidi; neque ullam w 
sodetatem optimis dvibus cum importimissimo hoste foedere 
ullo confirmari posse credidL Post diem tertium veni in 
aedem Telluris, et quidem invitus, cum omnis aditus armati 

OOobsiderent Qui tU)i dies ille^ Antoni, fuitl Quamquam 
mihi inimicus subito exstitistii tamen me tui miseret, quod n 
. tibi invideris. 

XXXVI. Qui tu vir, di immortales 1 et quantus fuisses, 
si illius did mentem servare potuisses 1 Pacem haberemus, 
quae erat facta per obsidem puerum nobilem, M. Bambali- 
onis nepotem« Quamquam bonum te timor fadebat, non m 
diutumus magister offid: improbum fecit ea, quae, dum timor 
abesty a te non discedit, audada. £tsi tum, cum optimum 
te putabanty me quidem dissentiente, funeri tyranni, si illud 

Ol funus fuit, scderatissime praefuisti. Tua illa pulchra laudatio, 
tua miseratio, tua cohortatio : tu, tu, inquam, illas faces in- •$ 
cendisti et eas, quibus semustulatus ille est, et eas, quibus 
incensa L. Bellieni domus deflagra^t. Tu illos impetus 
perditorum hominum et ex maxima parte servorum, quos nos 
vi manuque reppulimus, in nostras domos immisisti* Idem 
tarnen, quasi fuligine abstersa, reliquis diebus in Capitolio 99 
praedara senatus consulta fedsti, ne qua post Idus Martias 
immunitatb tabula neve cuius benefid figeretur. Meministi 
ipsedeexsuUbustads^deimmunitatequiddixeris. Optimum 



>^ ■ — --/ » — 



t aar ■ ■ MfcMi*^»^— Mifc<fc 



XXXVII 9s] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. 33 

vero, quod dictaturae nomen in perpetuom de re publica 
sustulisti* Quo quidem facto tantum te cepisse odium regni 
videbatur, ut eius omne nomen propter proximum dicta- 

'^ toris metum tolleres. Constituta res publica videbatur alüs, 92 
I mihi vero nullo modo, qui omnia te gubemante naufragia 
metuebam. Num me igitur fefellit? aut num diutius sui 
potuit dissimilis esse ? Inspectantibus vobis toto Capitolio 
tabulae figebantur ; neque solum singulis venibant immuni- 
tates, sed etiam populis universis; civitas non iam singillatim, 

to sed provinciis totis dabatiir. Itaque si haec manent, quae 
stante re publica manere non possunt, provincias universas» 
patres conscripti, perdidistis; neque vectigalia solum, sed 
etiam imperium populi Romani huius domestids nundinis 
deminutum est 

15 XXXVIL Ubi est septiens miliens, quod est in tabulis^ 93 
quae sunt ad Opis? funestae illius quidem pecuniae, sed 
tarnen, quae nos, si eis, quorum erat, non redderetur, a 
tributis posset vindicare. Tu autem quadringentiens ses- 
tertium, quod Idibus Martiis debuisti, quonam modo ante 

ao Kalendas Aprilis debere desisti ? Sunt ea quidem mnumera- 
bilia, quae a tuis emebantur non insciente te: sed unum 
egregium de rege Deiotaro, populi Romani amidssimo, 
decretum in Capitolio fixum: quo proposito nemo erat, 
qui in ipso dolore risum posset continere. Quis enim cui- 94 

tsquam inimicior, quam Deiotaro Caesar? aeque atque huic 
ordini, ut equestri, ut Massiliensibus, ut Omnibus, quibus 
rem publicam populi Romani caram esse sentiebat Igitur 
a quo vivo nee praesens nee absens quicquam aequi boni . 
impetravit, apud mortuom factus est gratiosus. Compellarat 

90 hospitem praesens, computarat, pecuniam impetrarat, in eius 
tetrarchia unum ex Graecis comitibus suis collocarat, Arme- 
niam abstulerat a senatu datam. Haec vivQs eripuit: reddit 
mortuQß. At quibus verbis?. modo aequom sibi videri, 95 



34 CICERONIS [XXXVII 95 

modo non iniquom. Mira verborum complexio! Ät ille 
numquam — semper enim absenti aditii Deiotaro— quicquam 
sibiy quod nos pro illo postularemus, aequom dixit viderL 
Syngrapha sesterti centiens per legatos, viros bonos, sed 
timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, sine reliquorum hospitum s 
TeQ& sententia facta in g]maeceo est : quo in loco plurimae 
res venierunt et veneunt Qua ex syngrapha quid sis acturus, 
meditere censea Rex enim ipse sua sponte, nullis com- 
mentarüs Caesaris, simul atque audivit eins interitum, suo 

06 Marte res suas recuperavit Sciebat homo sapiens ius semper 10 

hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, ea, tyrannis interfectis, 

ei, quibus erepta essent, recuperarent Nemo igitur iure 

consultuSy ne iste quidem, qui tibi uni est iure consultus, per 

V quem haec agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi dicit pro eis rebus, 

-j^ quae erant ante syngrapham recuperatae. Non enim a te 1$ 

^ emit, sed prius, quam tu suum sibi venderes, ipse possedit 
Sie vir fuit: nos quidem contemnendi, qui auctorem odimus, 
acta defendimus. 

97 XXXVIII. Quid ego de commentariis infinitis, quid de 
innumerabilibus chirogmphis loquar? quorum etiam imita^ ■» 
tores sunt, qui ea tamquam gladiatorum libellos palam 
venditent Itaque tanti acervi nummorum apud istum 
construuntur,ut iam expendantur, non numerentur pecuniae. 
At quam caeca avaritia estl Nuper fixa tabula est, qua 
dvitates locupletissimae Cretensium liberantur, statuiturque %% 
ne post M. Brutum pro consule sit Creta provinda. Tu 
mentis es compos? tu non constringendus? An Caesaris 
decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum potuit liberari, cum 
Creta nihil ad Brutum, Caesare vivo, pertineret? At huius 
venditione decreti, ne nihil actum putetis, provindam Cretam 90 
podidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rd fuit emptor, cui defuerit 

OBhic venditor. Et de exsulibus legem, quam fixisti, Caesar 
tolit? Nullius insectorcalamitatem:tantumqueror:primum 



XXXIX loo] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNI>A. 35 

eorum reditus inquinatos, quorum caussam Caesar dissimile m 
iudicarit; deinde nescio cur non reliquis idem tribuas. 
Neque enim plus quam tres aut quattuor reliqui sunt Qui 
simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua misericordia non simili ,. 
s fniuntur? cur eos habes in loco patrui? de quoläre, cum 
de reliquis fenres, noluisti : quem etiam ad censuram peten- 
dam impulisti; eamque pedtionem comparasti, quae^ risus 
hominum et querellas moveret. Cur autem ea comitia non 89 
habuisti? an quia tribunus plebis sinistrum fulmen nuntiabat? 
'^ 10 Cum tua quid interest, nuUa auspida sunt; cum tuorum. tum 
fis religiosus. Quid? eundem in septemviratu nonne dcsHltu**' 
isti? Intervenit enim, cui metuisti, credo, ne salvo capite 
negare non posses. Omnibus eum contumeliis onerasti, 
quem patris loco, si ulla in te pietas esset, colere debebas. 

ii Filiam eius, sororem tuam, eiecisti, alia conditione quaesita 
et ante perspecta. Non est satis. Probri insimulasti pudi- 
cissimam feminam. Quid est, quod addi possit ? Contentus 
eo non fuisti. Frequentissimo senatu Kalendis lanuarüs 
sedente patruo, hanc tibi esse cum Dolabella caussam odi 

M dicere ausus es, quod ab eo sorori et uxpri tuae stuprum 
oblB esse comperisses. Quis intelp'r^tari potest, im- 
pudentiome, qui in senatu, an improbior, qui in Dolabellam, 
an impurior, qui p^truo audiente, an crudelior, qui in illam 
miseram tam spurce, tam impie dixeris ? 

ts XXXIX. Sed ad chirographa redeamus. Quae tua fuit 100 
cogniti9? Acta enim Caesaris pacis caussa confirmata sunt a 
senatu, quae quidem Caesar egisset, non ea, quae egisse Cae- 
sarem dixisset Antqnius. Unde ista erumpunt? quo auctore 
proferuntur?si sunt falsa, cur proban.tur? sivera,curyeneunt? 

9» At sie PJ^PUg^lt, ut Kalendis luniis de Caesaris actis cum con- 
silio cognosceretis. Quod fuit consilium? quem umquam con- 
vo^fti? quas Kalendas lunias exspectasti? an eas, ad quas te 
V pS^;ra^ veteranorum colonüs)5tipatum armis rettulisti? 



36 CICERONIS [XXXIX xoo 

O praedaram fllam percursaidonem tuam mense Aprili 
atque Maio, tum cum etiam Capuam coloniam deducere 
conatus esl Quem ad modum illinc abieris vel potius 

101 paene non abieris. scimus. Cui tu urbi minitaris. Utinam 
conere, ut aliquando illud paene toUatur I At quam nobilis i 
est tua illa peregrinado ! quid prandiorum apparatus, quid 
furiosam vinolentiam tuam proferam ? Tua ista detrimenta 
sunt: illa nostra. Agrum Campanimiy qui cum de vecti- 
galibus exi^elSatur^ ut militibus daretur, tamen infligi mag- . 
num rei publicae volnus putabamus : hunc tu comp^ftfiföribus lo 
tuis et collSsonSus dividebas. Mimos dico et mimas, patres 
conscripti, in agro Campano collocatos. Quid iam querar 
de agro Leontino? Quoniam quidem hae quondam ara- 
tiones Campana et Leontina in populi Romani patrimonio 
grandiferae et fructuosae ferebantur, Medico tria millia t| 
iugerum: quid, si te sanasset? rhetori duo: quid, si te 
disertum facere potuisset? Sed ad iter Italiamque re* 
deamus.' 

L02 XU Deduxisti coloniam Casilinum» quo Caesar ante 
deduxerat Consuluisti me per litteras de Capuä tu qui- n 
dem ; sed idem de Casilino respondissem : possesne, ubi 
colonia esset, eo coloniam i^ovam^urededueere. Negavi in 
eam coloniam, quae esset auspicatöoeducta, dum esset in- 
columis, coloniaxn^ovam iure deduci: colonos novos ad- 
scribi posse i^^cripsi^^jMUjT^ autem insolentia elatus omni ■$ 
auspidorum iure mibato, Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, 
quo erat pauds annis ante deducta, ut ygxillum tolleres, ut 
aratrumdrcumduceres: cuius quidem vomere portam Capuae 
paene pe^trinkisti, ut florentis coloniae territorium minue- 

L03 retiir. Ab hac perturbatione religionum advolas in M. j» 
Varronis^ sanctissimi atque int^errimi viri, fii^imi Casi- 
- natem« Quo iure? quo ore? Eodem, inquies, quo in 
heredum L Rubrii quo in heredum L. Tuamc^^funioA^c^^ 



XLI io6] ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. 37 

in reliquas innumerabiUs possessiones. Et si ab hasta, valeat 
hasta, valeant iS^SGie, modo Caesaris, non tuae: quibus 
debuisti, non quibus tu te liberavistL Varronis qu^iem 
Casinatem fundum quis venisse dicit? quis hastam istius 

svenditionis vidit? quis vocem ^a^oms audivit? Misisse 
te dicis Alexandream, qui emeret a Caesare. Ipsum enim 
exspectare magnum fuit !^ Quis vero audivit umquam — 1( 

'^ nullius autem salus curae pluribus fuit— de fortünis Varronis 
rem ullam esse detractam? Quid? si etiam scripsit ad te 

10 Caesar, ut redderes, quid satis potest dici de tanta im- 
pudentia? Remove gladios parumper illos, quos videmus. 
lam intelleges aliam caussam esse hastae Caesaris, aliam 
confidentiae et temeritatis tuae. Non enim te dominus 
modo Ulis sedibus, sed quivis amicus, vicinus, hospes, pro- 

iT^urator arceKt' 

XLI. At quam multos dies in ea villa turpissime est 
perbacchatus 1 Ab hora tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, vorne- 
batur. O tecta ipsa misera quam dilparl dominol 
Quamquam quo modo iste dominus? sed tamen quam ab 

M dispari tenebantur 1 Studiorum ^T^ suorum M. Varro 
voluit illud, non libidinum deversoriiTm. Quae in illa 1( 



K t** ^ > ^ 



yilla an|ea dicebantur! quae cogitabantur 1 quae litteris 
man^abaiitur ! Iura populi Romani, monumenta maiorum, 
omnis sapientiae ratio omnisque doctrinae. At vero te 

«s inquilino — non enim domino-r^rsonabant omnia vocibus 
ebriorum; natabant pavim^^avino; madebant parietes. 
Casino salutatiim veniebant, Aquino, Interamna. Admissus 
est nemo. Iiire id quidem : in homine enim turpissimo ob- 
solefieoant dignitatis insignia. Cum inde Romam proficiscens 1( 

3» ad Aquinum accederet^jpbviam ei processit, ut est frequens 
munidpium, magna sanemultitudo. At iste operta lectica 
latus per oppidum est ut mortuos. Stulte Aquinates : sed 
tamen in via habitabant. Quid Anagnini? qui, cum essent 



38 ^^-^ CICERONIS [XL! xo6 

deviiy descenderant, ut istumi tamquam si esset» consulem 
salutarent Incredibile dictu est, tarnen vidnos inter omnis 
coDstabat neminem esse r)»alutia{üm : praesertim cum duos 
secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laconem ; quorum 

37 alter gladiorum est princeps, alter poculorum« Quid ego i 
illas istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, quibus in« 
vectus est in Sididnos, vexavit Puteolanos, quod C. Cassium 
et Brutos patronos adoptassent? Magno quidem studio» 
iudicio» benevolentia» caritate^ non» ut te et Basilum, vi et 
armis, et alios vestri similis, quos dientb nemo habere velit, lo 
non modo illorum diens esse. 

XLIL Interea dum tu äbes, qui dies ille collegae tui 
fuit, cum illudy quod venerari solebas, bustum in foro 
evertit I qua re tibi nuntiata» ut constabat inter eos, qui una 
fuerunt, concidistL Quid evenerit postea, nesdo — ^metum 15 
credo valuisse et arma — collegam quidem de caelo detraxisti 
efiedstique, non tu quidem etiam nunc, ut similis tui, sed ? , 

08 certe ut dissimilis essePsuL Qui vero inde reditus Romam! * 
quae perturbatio totius urbis ! Memineramus Cinnam nimis 
potentem, Sullam postea dominantem ; modo regnantem w 
Caesarem videramus. Erant fortasse gladii, sed absconditi 
nee ita multL Ista vero quae et quanta barbaria estl 
Agmine quadrato cum gladiis secuntiir: scutorumlecticas "> 
portari videmus. Atque bis qui^eip iam mv^teratis, patres 
conscripti, consuetudine obduruimus. Kalendis luniis cum 9$ 
in senatum, ut erat constitutum, venire vellemus, metu per- 

.09 teiriti repente difTugimus. At iste, qui senatu non egeret, 
neque desideravit quemquam, sed potius discessu nostro 
laetatus est, statimque iUa mirabilia /acinora effedt. Qui 
chir(>grapha Caesaris defendisset lucri sui caussa, is ^^^ j^^ 
Caesaris easque praedaras, ut rem publicam concutere 
. posset, evertit Numerum annorum provindis proro^?^ 
idemqu^ cum actorum Caesaris defensor esse debereti et in 



XUII xxx] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUI^DA. 39 

publids et in privatis rebus acta Caesaris rescidit In publids 
nihil est lege gravius : in privatis^fimiissimum est testamen- 
tum. Leges alias sine prönTulgatTone sustulit: alias ut 
tolleret, promulgavit Testamentum'^lmtum fecit: quod 

5 etiam infimis civibus semper obtentum est Signa, tabulas, 
quas populo Caesar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie partim in 
hortos Pompei deportavit, partim in villam Scipionis. 

XLIII. Et tu in Caesaris memoria diligens? tu illum HO 
amas mortuom? Quem is h^orem maiorem consecutus ^ 

10 erat, quam ut haberet pulvinar, simulacrum, fastigifin^*' 
fla^mein? Est ergo flamen, ut lovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, 
sie divo lulio M. Antonius. Quid igitur cessas? cur non 
inauguraris? sume diem: vide, qui te inauguret; collegae 
sumus; nemo negabit. O detestabilem hominem, sive 

15 quod tyranni sacerdos es, sive quod mortui 1 Quaero 
deinceps, num hodiemus dies qui sit ignores? nescis heri 
quartum in Circo diem ludorum Romanorum fuisse? te 
autem ipsum ad populum tulisse ut^ quintus praeterea dies 
Caesari tribueretur? Cur non sumus' pr^textati? Cu^* 

M honorem Caesaris tua lege datum deseri patimur? an suppli-^^^ 
cationes addendo diem contaminari passus es ; pulvinaria 
noluisti? Aut undique religionem tolle aut u sque q uaque 
conserva. Quaens, placeatne mihi pulvinar esse, fastigium, 111 
flaminem. Mihi vero nihil istorum placet Sed tu, qui acta 

«5 Caesaris defendis, quid potes .dicere cur alia defendas, alia 
non eures? Nisi forte vis faten'te omnia Qi£estu tuo, non 
illius dignitate me'tin. Quid ad haec tandem? — exspecto 
enim eloquentiam tuam : disertissimum cognovi avom tuum, 
at te etiam apertiorem in dicendo; ille numquam nudus est 

30 contionatus, tuum hominis simplids pectus vidimus— : re- 
spondebisne ad haec aut omnino hiscere audebis? Ecquid 
reperies ex tarn longa oratione mea, cui te respondere posse 
confidas? 



40 CICERONIS [XLIVxxa 

112 . XLIV. Sed praeterita omittamus. Hunc unum diem, 
unuiD, inquam, hodiemum diem, hoc punctum temporis, 
quo loquondefende, si- potes. Cur armatorum corona 
senatus saeptus est? cur me tui satellites cum gladiis 
audiunt? cur val^Se Concordiae non patent? curhominess 
omnium gentium nuudme barbaros, Ityraeos, cum sagittis 
deduds in forum? Praesidi sui caussa se fecere dicit 
Non igitur miliens perire est melius quam in sua dvitate 
sine armatorum praesidio non posse vivere? Sed nullum 
est istudy mihi crede, praesidium. Caritate te et benevolentia m 

118 avium saeptum oportet esse, non armis. Eripiet et ^xtof- ^ 
quebtt tibi ista populus Romanus, utinam salvis nobisl 
Sed quoquo modo nobiscum egeris, dum istis consiliis uteris, ^ 
Don potes, mihi crede, esse diutumus. Etenim ista tua 
mmime avara coniunxi quam ego sine contumelia describo, ii 
nimium diu debet populo Romano tertiam pensiSnem. 
Habet populus Romanus ad quos gubemacula rei publicae 
deferat: qui ubicumque terrarum sunt, ibi omne est rei pub- 
licae praesidium vel potius ipsa res publica, quae se adhuc 
tantimi modo ulta est^ nondum recuperavit Habet quidem ao 
certe res publica adulescentis nobilissimos, paratos defeii- 
sores. Quam volent illi cedant otio consulentes, tarnen a re 
publica revocabuntur. Et nomen pads dulce est et ipsa res 
salutaris. Sed inter pacem et servitutem plurimum interest 
Fax est tranquilla Uberta^ servitus postremum ipalorum •% 
omnium, non modo hello, sed morte etiam repeÜendum. 

114 Quod si se ipsos illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro 
abstulerunt, at exemplum facti rdiquerunt Illi, quod nemo 
fecerat, fecerunt Tarquinium Brutus hello est persecutus, 
qui tum rex fiiit, cum esse Romae regem licebat Sp. lo 
Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius propter suspidonem regni 
. appetendi sunt necatL Hi primum cum gladiis non in reg- 
num appetentem, sed in regnantem impetum fecerunt 



XLVI 1X7] ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. 4z 

' Quod cum ipsum factum per se praedarum est atque divinum, 
tiun expositum ad imitandum est ; praesertim cum illi eam 
gloriam consecuti sint, quae vix caelo capi posse videatur. 
Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti fructus 

s erat, tamen mortali immortalitatem non arbitror esse con- 
temnendam« ^ 

XLV. Recordare igitur illum» M. Antoni, diem» quo 115 
dictaturam sustulisti; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus 
populique Romani; confer cum hac immani nundinatione 

lotua tuorumque: tum intelleges, quantum inter lucrum et 
laudem intersit Sed nimirum, ut quidam morbo aliquo et 
sensus stupore suavitatem cibi non sentiunt, sie libidinosi, 
avari, fadnorosi verae laudis gustatum non habent Sed si 
te laus allicere ad recte faciendum non potest, ne metus 

isquidem a foedissimis factis potest avocare? ludicia non 
metuis. Si propter innocentiam, laudo: sin propter vim, 
non intellegis, qui isto modo iudida non timeat, ei quid 
timendum sit? Quod si non metuis viros fortis egregiosque 116 
civis, quod a corpore tuo prohibentur armis; tui te, mihi 

M crede, diutius non ferent. Quae est autem vita dies et noctis 
timere a suis? Nisi vero aut maioribus habes beneficiis 

' obligatosy quam ille quosdam habuit ex eis, a quibus est 
interfectus ; aut tu es ulla re cum eo comparandus. Fuit in 
illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, litterae, cura, cogitatio, dili- 

«s gentia; res bello gesserat quamvis rei publicae calamitosas, 
at tamen magnas ; mukös annos regnare meditatus magno 
labore multis periculis quod cogitarat effecerat ; muneribus, 
monumentis, congianis, epulis multitudinem imperitam de- 
lenierat : suos praemiis, adversarios clementiae* spede de- 

30 vinxerat Quid multa? attulerat iam liberae civitati partim 
metu, partim patientia consuetudinem serviendi // 

XLVI. Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre 117 
possum, ceteris vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. 



42 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECÜNDA. pCLVI 117 

Sed ex plurimis maUsy quae ab iUo rei publicae sunt inusta^ 
hoc tarnen boni est» quod didicit iam populus Romanus» 
quantum cuique crederet» quibus se committeret» a quibus 
caveret Haec non cogitas? neque intellegis satis esse 
viris fortibus dididsse» quam sit re pulchrum, beneficios X 
gratum» fama gloriosum tyrannum occidere? An, cum illum | 

UShomines non tulerint» te ferent? Certatim posthac» mihi | 
crede» ad hoc opus curretur neque occasionis tarditas exspec- \ 
tabitur. \ 

Respice» quaeso» aliquando rem publicam, M. Antoni : w ' 
quibus ortus sis» non quibuscum vivas, considera : mecum» *i 
uti voles; redi cum re publica in gratiam. Sed de te tu r 
videris : ego de me ipse profitebor. Defendi rem publicam \ 
adulescens, non deseram senex: contempsi Catilinae gladios» 
non pertimescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtule- 15 -.', 
rim» si repraesentart morte mea libertas civitatis potest; ut ^/ 
aliquando dolor populi Romani paria^ quod iam diu par- _ / 

119 turit 1 Etenim si abhinc annos prope viginti hoc ipso in J r. 
templo negavi posse mortem immaturam esse consulari» 
quanto verius nunc negabo seni I Mihi vero» patres con- ao \ 
scripti» iam etiam optanda mors est» perfuncto rebus eis» 
quas adeptus sum quasque gessL Duo modo haec opto : ' 
unum» ut moriens populum Romänutn liberum relinquam— *( 
hoc mihi maius ab dis immortalibus dari nihil potest — ; 
alterum» ut ita cuique eveniat^ ut de re publica quisque n ? 
mereatur« -*: 

1 



^lä ^»ss Stxits» 



M. TULLI CICERONIS 

ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA 



lyjTJ/ INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 



CY 



A. G. PESKETT, M.A. 

FBLLOW AND LECTURER OF MAGDALENB COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
EDITOR OF CAESAR*S GALUC WAR« 



EDITED FOR TUE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERStTY PRESS. 

PART II 

Notes 
CAMBRIDGE: 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 

X887 

IAH Higkis reurvAi.] 



HIJI I »B-1 III '■ II I I I 



. I M i. j.xA.tm.t.iium i jiß. 1 .tfy n ' ^ ' j. - i.,.um 



NOTES. 



§1. 

Pf 1« X paira comcripH\ a traditional method of addressing the Senate« 
the origin of which has been much disputed. The most reasonable 
view seems to be that of Willems (Senat de la R^publique Ronuune I* 
37 — ^49), that the woryls mean 'enrolled patricians'» that is« patridans V 
whose names were entered on the senatorial register, as opposed to A 
other patricians who were not members of the Senate. Plebeians were 
probably not admitted to the Senate tili about.400 B.c. 
a his annis viginit\ ablative of time in the course of which something 
happens; R. § xi8a: in Greek the genitive would be used, tUtwiw 
irwv, Cicero, reckoning from the beginning of his consulship in 63« 
is thinking chiefly of Catiline and his fellow conspirators whose rising 
he hai suppressed in that year, of P. Clodius the turbulent tribune 
slain in a riot on the Appian road iS Jan. 5 a, and no doubt of Caesar 
himself : cp. Cat. iv. 19, Süll. a8. 

5 opiarem] stronger than vellemx opto is often used of extravagant orw 
visionary desires ; it is contrasted with spero in Farn. V. 8 § 1 scd txstitii ^ 
Umpus optatum mihi niagis quam speratum ; Balb. § 9 ; and in many 
other passages. 

6 imit€re\ notice that Cicero prefers this form of the md person in the \/ 
present subjunctive and in the imperfect indicative and subjunctive. /\ 
Instances are numerous in this speech. 

exitus\ Catiline was killed in battle B.c. 63, when the force sent 
against bim was commanded by M. Antony's uncle, the consul C 
Antonius; his fellow conspirators Lentulus, Cethegus» Gabinius, Sta* 
tilius were. executed ; P. Clodius was. killed in a firacas; and last!/ 
Julius Caesar was assassinated 15 March 44. 

6— J 



X 



"l 



44 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [I x 

7 üiqtu[ almoitsa/ftM 'and yet*. 

in aliis] 'in the case of others': a/iis mutt not be translated *iM4 
oChers', though that is practically what Cicero means. 

8 inimiatt] mark the usual distinction l>etween inimicus the enemy of 
an individual and Jküsfis (as above, rei ^blicai kosiis) the enemy of a 
State: q>. below { a hosUm patriae „*mihi inimiau, 

voiuniarius\ heware of translating *no one was my voluntary enemy 't 
the meaning^ is 'no one was my enemy of my own free will'. 

\o /uriosior\ 'more frenzied*. Cicero frequently applies the wordt 
/urür^/uriosus^/uria^ to Qodius, and Plutarch speaks of hi»fuvk; he 
was no doubt a man of fierce and ungovemable passions. 

uiir0\ 'unprovoked'; this refers to Antony's speech on 19 Sept., 
cp. Phil. V. 19 : in the first Philippic Cicero had spoken guardedly and 
deprecated all Intention of oflfending Antony. 

IS a/] *in the sight of: Att. viii. 4 f i quai äiam aäeeiirw emtempii 
iuiusdam kcminis c^mmcndaii« defuitt 

SS. 

14 mudiocrUati] said with a touch of Cicero's usual mock humillty« 

17 tesiimaHium] a supplicatio or public thanksgiving was decreed to 
Gcero in 63 on the motion of L. Aurelius Cotta in highly flattering 
terms quod urbem inecnäiis^ caede dvis^ Italiam Mio liberassetn^ quoi 
tupplicatio si cum ceUris supplicationibus conferatur^ hoc inUrett^ ptod 
€eiera$ Une gata, kaec una conservaia re publica eoustiluia aL Cat. 
III. 15: cp. Cat. IV. 40, Phil. II. 13, XIV. 14, Pis. 6 mihi Ugato senatut 
IM», ui mttliiSf bene gestae ud^ ut nemini, conservaiae rei publieae 
simgulari genere suppUeationis dearum immartalium templa patefeeiU 
He was the first togaius who had ever enjoyed the honour of a suppU» 
M/M, cp. note on S i3t 1« 9* 

mulHs] obsenre the emphasis given to this word by its position, and 
tbe strong contrast which it thus aflfords to mihi um. 

£% ewUeulione dicemdi] 'an oratorical combat'» *a contest of rhetoric'; 
cp* Plin. £p. I. s. 

19 guid,..uberi$is] 'what more oopioos, what more fertile theme*. 

«I iUudprofeeto\ * the following of cotirse was his reason' (for attacking 
me): Ulud^wA not refer to anything going before, but antidpates the 
foUowing sentence mm ixisiimetuii &c; with it must be mentally 
•applied eogiletvit or the like; cp. Tusc IV. 47 nperiam fertasse. sed 
itlud eutU (sc dietm\. 



X. 



II 3] NOTES. 45 . 

IS. 

p« 2« 9 amiatia] Antony seems to have been determined to break with 
Cicero, who in his first speech had been careful to express bis friendsbip 
for Antony, cp. Phil. I. 1 1 an sum amüus, idque me ftcn nuilo eius 
officio debtre esse proi me semper tuH, and see the friendly letter of Cicero 
to Antony in Att. XIV. 13 B where in the words beneficio prcvoeatus he 
no doubt refers to the same service rendered him by Antony that is 
hinted at in the above quoted words non nulh eius officio i seebelow 
f 5. It is worth remembering that Cicero had written his Laelius or 
treatise on friendship during the summer of this year. 

5 contra rem suam] the commentators say that this was some business 
connected with Sicca, who is often mentioned in Gcero's correspondence; 
cp. Att. XVI. XI written in November 44 where there is a reference to 
this speech. What the affair was is not known, and the words nesci^ 
quando *on some occasion or other' show that it was unimportant. 

6 a/icftum] one unconnected with me, *a stranger'; beware of transla« 
tingit *alien'* 

8 coHeciam] *won', 'acquired': a common use oicolügere* 

iste\ notice once for all that Cicero often addresses Antony directly as 
tu^ and at other times speaks of him indirectly as iste and once or 
twice as hici contralt this sentence with the next. This must be bome 
in mind throughout the speech. 

9 obtinuiti 'maintained*. Cicero means that Antony was enabled 
by some iniquitous intervention on his behalf to maintain the wrong, 
whatever it was, that he had comroitted. intercessio was the reguLir 
term for the 'Intervention' of a tribune; whether such tribunicial 
intervention is here meant must remain doubtful, owing to our ignorance 
of the facts of the case: at any rate Antony was not upheld.in his 
wrong dealing by the ius praetorium^ i.e. the law as embodied in the 
praetor's edicts. £ach praetor laid down general ruies of law which 
were called edietat and which gradually came to form a valuable addition 
to the civil law of Korne. The expression implies that this was a 
private suit as the office of the praetor was ius inter civis dicere. [HM. 's 
Statement that a tribune had no right to meddle with a private suit is 
wrong. The case of Quinctius for instance was private, but a tribune 
interfered, and such interference often took phice. J.S.R.] 

n Q. Fadi\ Q. Fadius Gallus (in Att. XVI. ix { i read Com Fadi) 
whose daughter Fadia was Antony's first wife; Phil. xux. 93. 



1 -l.^.. ' . t.iiüj f » « ■■■ ■ ■ " j - : » i '■ ^. ■ ..* W .X^. .. - ^.J.MtV- ^!*^ ^-'TJ^ 



V-c. 



46 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [II 3 

13 Jmsse\ "not «mt, because according to Roman notioos the death of 
Fadius had dissolvcd the tie. Cic. Sest« 6 tuUmii Albinü toetri Hürnen 
morsfiliae^ Chient 41 **• HM. 

' ai enim,.XrtLdideras\ 'bot, to be sure, you had placed yotinelf under 
my instniction': we do not know what ground there was for this 
asseition of Antony; Cicero denies the tnith of it. [Possibly there is 
an allosion to the *school' of rhetoric which Cicero jocularly says he 
had opened (Farn. ix. 18 S 1)1 which was attended by Hirtius and 
I>olabella among others (Farn. ix. 16 S 7) «id may have been attended 
% /by Antony. J.S.R.] ai tnim is an elliptical expression : ai introduces 

Yv Antony's second objection, and enim gives the reason for it : cp. oXXa 

ne\ this partide of asseveration (connected with rcU) is used by 
Cicero only with personal pronouns or their cognate adrerbs and 
adjectives. 

16 si €upera\ more regularly si cvpisses\ 'if you wished' instead of 'if 

yoa had wished': cp. Att. vii. 13 b f 3 si tcriberem ipu^ iattgior epittuia 

Jmssei \ XVI. 5 f 3 Quiniusfuit mecum dies eümpluris^ ei^ si ego euperem^ 

iUe vei pluris /mssäi other instances in Draeger Hist. Synt § 550 b ß. 

rix. b possible that Cicero intentionallyavoided the pluperfect subjunctive 

Y of cupio^ he has it only once in his Speeches, Mil. si, though other 

\ parts of the verb are üequent, and Caesar and his continuators never 

\have it. 

C Curionem\ the well-known tribune who, at first an adherent of 
Pompey and the ^pUtnaia^ afterwards espoused the cause of Caesar. 
He died bravely fighting near Utica in Africa in 49« He exercised a 
pemidotts influence over Antony, cp. § 45. 



17 ait^raiusl Cicero was elected augur in the snmmer of 53 to fiU the 
▼acancy caused by the death of P. Crassus (not M. Crassns as HM. say, 
q>. Plut« Crsss. 36) in the Parthian war. By the Domitian Uw of 104 (?) 
B.C.t which had been re-enacted in 63 after its abrogation by Sulla in 
819 the election of augur rested with a minority of the tribes (17 out of 
35 chosen by lot). The candidates were first nominated by the memben 
of the angural College» each member being allowed to nominate one 
candidate, bot no candidate oould be nominated by more than two 
membert— in Cioero's case the nominators were Cn* Pompeius and 



III s] NOTES. 47 

Q. Hortensius — and one was then elected by the votet of the tribes. 

After thit followed the inaugoration. MM. II. 97 foU. 

€Ofuasisst\ this impliet that Antooy had, according to bis own 

accounty retired in favour of Cicero. 
31 solvcnd» fräs] in sohifuh tut *to be (suited) for paying* i.e. 'to be 

solvent' the dative is classed by Roby under the head of 'datives of 

work contemplated', R. §| 1156, 138a b. Cp. such phrases as tue tsui 

'tobe (fit) for eating'. 
%% incolumeml Sest 18 camque {prmfinciam) nisi adeptus tuet te tH" 

columem nulle modo firt arbitrabatur^ where ineelumis is similarly used 

of a person who has not been injured by an adverse verdict in a oourt 

of law; cp. Plane, is ineolunum a calamüate iudicL 
33 to Umpore\ *at that time' Le. when I was elected. Beware of 

taking to tempore cum together, as if it were 'at the time when Curio 

was not in Italy': if cum had been strictiy temporal, trat would haTe 

been used instead oitssdx cum here is 'since\ *considering that'. 
44 cum esfacius\ Antony was elected augur in 50 in place of Hortensius 

who died in April or May of that year. 
35 potuissesi this is an apodosis to a protasis implied in the wocds 

tine Curiont which are virtually equivalent to si Curio afuisset. 

dt vi\ apparently some followers of Curio were chaiged with riotlng 

at the eleclion« 

§». • 

37 benefictö\ cp. note on § 3, 1. 3. 

38 malu%\ 'I preferred to confess myself under an Obligation to yoa 
rather than to be thought not sufTiciently grateful by anyone not quite 
acquointed with the circumstances' (minus prudenli). He means *I 
was not really bound to be so grateful, but for the sake of appearances 
I feit it right to profess gratitude'. Of course prudenli is the dative 
after videri, not after graius. 

30 Sruftdisii] after the battle of Pharsalus, 9 Aug. 48, Cicero retumed 
from Epirus to Brundisium, whereas most of Pompey*s adherents fled 
to Africa. Here Antony showed him a letter from Caesar forbidding 
any of the Pompeians to retum to Italy without bis consent. Cicero 
replied that in bis case such permission had already been granted by 
Caesar through Cicero*s son-in-law Dolabella. On hearing this Antony 
inued an edict specially excepting Cicero and Laelius. Cicero adds« 
that he would rather Antony had tacitly excepted him without thus 



48 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [III s 

bringing his name into proniinencc Att. xi. 7 § !• \Brundim being 
locaüve should probably be thus speit, not BrundUL Thit very word 
occurs in Ennius, who does not use the genitive in 'iL J.S.RO 

31 €x laironibus suU\ 'out of all his banditti'. Caesar had entmsted 
the care of Italy to Antony, and on his assumption of the dictatorship 
had made him his maghter equitum* Appian B. C ZI. 411 Plut. Ant. 6. 

33 ^cidarsl see note on § 16 1. la. 

p» 3« 3 ptodsi\ the argument is: if it were so great a benefit to refrain 
from kilUng a person, Caesar's murderers would never have gained such 
credit for their deed, for they would have kiiled one who had conferred 
a benefit on them, and would therefore have been guilty of the basest 
ingratitude. Caesar had shown great consideration to some of those 
who had fought against him; cp. Farn. vi. 6 § 10 «/ »«r quem ad 
tnodum est eomplexusi Cassium sibiiegavit ; Brutum Galiiae firaefecit^ 
Sulpkium Craeäae; Marcellum^ em tnaxime suuensebatt eum summa 
iUius digniiati restiiuii, 
6 te absiinueris'\ seabsiinere 'to keep oneself from' a thing, is the usual 
construction in early Latin and maintains its ground in Cicero, though 
he occasionally (cp. § 6) uses abs/iuen in sense of se abstinent like our 
'abstain'» which became the common construction in the Augustan 
period« The French retain the pronoun, iabsienir^ and so in older 
English, e.g. 'ech man that stryveth in fyght« absteyneth him fro alle 
thingis* Wydif I Cor. ix. «5. (a.D. 138s); 'VVryte unto them that they 
abste]rne them selves from fylthynesse of Idols' Coverdale Acts xv. 10 
(A.D. 1535). 

§6. 

1 1 queri nom debui\ * ought I not to complain ' : almost = ' was it my duty 
not to complain '• Notice that 'ought' being strictly a past tense 
lepiesents debui^ but as in modern English *ought' is regarded as a 
pfesent tense one had better translate 'ought I not to have oomplained*. 

15 qitireUdl the first Philippic 

13 pwfu] the positkm of an ex-oonsul, and one of the leaders and 
spokesmen of ihtepiimaies. 

16 qu0d\^ii iliud^ and antlcipates the following acc. and inf; clause 
qmirmtem abstmerti 'why, what self-restraint did it aigue*. 

Mm AntHudl Said with emphasis: *oomplaining of such a person as 
M. Antony ' : cp. 1 1 i«m pUeei M. Aniomo emuulaius meus» 

17 fifiiqmas] HM. explaü» thit of the treasure accamnlated by Caesar 



III 6] NOTES. 49 

and deposited in the temple of Ops which was plnndered bjr Antony : 
an explanation gathered from the context and the use of the word 
äissipare, cp. V. ii Uta vero dissipaiio ptctmioi ptMieae^ VI. 3 peeunia 
publica diisipata atqtu tffusa. On the other hand it seems improbable 
that Cicero should have called this treasure reiiqmoi rti pubiieoit aml 
the meaning^ is more likely to be that the hopes of a restoration of the 
republic excited by the death of Caesar were qnickly extinguishcd by 
the despotic acts of Antony: **and that too when you had scattered to 
the winds the last relics of the republic". [So too Dr Reid whö 
translates 'the last traces of free govemment' and cp. Cic oflf. II. 99 
rem publicam penitus amisimus^ I. 35 rem puUUoin quai nunc nuUa 
ist, II. 3.] 

18 mercatti\ refers to the venality practised by Antony in pretended 
compliance wilh Caesar's will, which was opened and read in Antony's 
house: Suet. Caes. 83 iestanunium tius aperitur reeiiaiurqm in Anionii 
domo. The Philippics teem with references to Antony*t greed and 
venality. 

19 promul^iae\ hy the lex Caedlla Didia of 98 and the Licinia lania 
of 63 it was enacted that every law should be promulgated three weeks, 
trittis nundiniSf before it was voted on, in Order that the people might 
make themselves acquainted wilh its Contents. This Antony had ncg* 
lected to do: cp. Phil. v. 8 ubi lex Caecilia et Didia f ubi promulgatio 
trinum nundimim? ubi poetta recenti lege lunia et Licinia t possunint 
hae leges esse raiae sine interitu legum rtliquaruml l. 15 illat enim 
(leges) sine ulla promulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae» 

40 conßterere] *alIowed\ i.e. when charged with it you did not deny it* 
auspicia augttr] notice the emphatic juxtaposition of these two 
words, and oi intercessionem consiäi an augur should have been the last 
person in the world to disregard the auspices, and a consul was above 
all others bound, as chief magistrate, to respect the right of intercession. 
Antony though augur set at nought the auspices on more than one 
occasion; cp. Phil. V. 7, 8 and xo where Cicero sums up quibus de 
caussis eas leges quas M, Antonius tulisse dicitur^ omnis censeo per vi/n 
et contra auspicia IcUas eisque legibus populum twn tenerix and see notes 
on § 80 foU. For his disregard of the tribunicial right of intercession 
cp. Phil I. 35, where Antony is represented as saying neglegimus isla 
(tribunicial rights and other customs) et nimis antiqua ac stulta ducimus. 

33 vinü lustrisque eonfectus\ ' wom out by drunkenness and debauchery *• 



so ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [III 7 

§T. 

«4 Af, Crassü] for the iU willbetween Crassus and Cicero q>. Plut 
Crass. 13. Cicero regarded him as implicated in the conspiracy of 
Catilinct though Crassus appears to have given Cicero a friendly wam- 
ing; one night of the dcsigns of the conspirators. The young P. Crassus 
was however a firm friend of Cicera Crassus generously spoke in 
favour of Cicero*s consulsbip, Att. 1. 14 fia miAi iauäem ülam sa minus 
ddterd quod tneis ^mnibut lUteris in P^mpeiana laude ptrstridm äset* 
He is referred to in Att. 1. 16 § 5 in the words Cahmm ex Nannaanis &c. 
jas bribing the judges in the trial of Milo. He inflamed Caesar agamst 
Cicero^ Farn. I. 9 § 9; cp. OflT. i. 109, Sest. 39, Fam. xiv. a, Q* Fr. ii. 
3 §§ 3t 4« " Crassus was never liindered by any keen sense of honour 
from pursuing his own advantage. He was a merchant and was open to 
negotiation ", Momnis. iv. 344. 

35 uui\ ttsed to strengthen the Superlative nequissimoi cp. Plane. 97 
uriem unam mihi anticissimam, The umam in § 84 should not be com- 
pared with this, for rem unam b there opposed to mullis rebus* 

37 guan/ufn] i.e. what a kindness I then did him in abstaining from 
personal censure. 

«9 liUeras] thb letter, with Antony's answer to it, is still extant; see 
Att. XIV. 13 A and B. 

äicerei] consecutive subjunctive, R. § 1680 folL; Caesar B. G. I. 39 
fuorum alius alia causa iUata, quam sibi ad proficiseendum necessariam 
esse diceret^ fetebat ui Sic The subjunctive appears to be due to a 
slight indefiniteness in the relative. 

30 kumanüa/is] 'kindly feeling', 'good feeling'* 

viiae eemmmnis] *the courtesy of daily Ufe' like vOae societatem 
bdow. 

31 qui paulum,„näsu/] *who had but a superficial acquaintance with 
the mutual dealings of honourable men '• The subjunctive is restrictive» 
^ R. S i^gt : in such cases quidem is often added to the relative. 

33 quid esi,»a^eniium] 'what is this but to remove from llfe all its 
kindly fellowship and to annul the intercourse of absent friends?' For 
the form of expcesskm quid est aliud toitere 'what eise is to remove' 
wherewe should say *what is this but to remove' cp. PhiL I. ai quid est 
aliud hortasri aduUseeuiis ui turbulettii,„eives veUnt esset an example of 
the füllet form with nisi occors in Sen. 6 quid est enim aliud gigantum 
wiada heüare tum Die nisi maturae repugnant Though Cicero adopta 



IV 9] NOTES. 51 

such a higb tone ho« he did not scruple on one oocask» to open a 
letter not intended for himself. 

§S. 

p» 4* 6 Tironi ei Musiilae\ these were two of Antony's agents: cp» 
Phil. VIII. a6 MusteUe et Tironi frospieii; de se nihil iabarai\ XII. 14 
noliie tu Tirana quidem^ Numisios^ et Musielas Seiostfe eontemnere; 
XIII. 3 addiie Anioni eMusoris et sodalis,.. Tironem, Mustelam,.x§miia- 
tum relinquo^ duees ncmino, 

iam\ *now' i.e. after your speech against me. Cicero implies that 

Antony by bis fierce invective delivered in the meeting at tbe temple of 

Concord on 19 Sept. had gained the credit of eloquence with bis blood- 

thirsty followera; cp. Phil in. 33; v. so* 

7 cum gladiisl cum telo esse it a regulär phrase for ' to be armed '^ cp. 150 

19, 74 etc. 
9 inter 'sicarios] lit. ' ambng assassins ' i. e. in the court wbere such cases 
were tried: one may translate 'on a charge of homidde*. 

sed] resumptive, afker the digression Aome diserte,*Jefensurus\ 'pray 
what objection, I say, would you make, if ' &c.; to in § 80. 
ro istcu\ 'that letter of which you speak' : iste in classical Latin always 
has some reference to the person addressed ; such reference is« I think, 
perceptible even in the apparent exceplions adduced by Madvig Lat. 
Gram. § 486. 
1 1 Chirographe^ chirographum is merely a transcription of the late Greek 

Word xcip^/>A0oy *handwriting*. • 
la quaestuosam] referring to the proBt made by Antony by forging 
documents purporting to be Caesar*s. 

qui\ an old ablatival form: lit. *with what'» hence 'how*. 
librari manu] *in the secretary*s handwriting*: cp. Att. IV. 16 § i 
occupcUi<mum mearum vel hoc Signum erit^ quod episiula librari manu est. 
13 iam] 'here*='just at this point' like 17^17: the next iam, before 
proferani^ is 'anon*. 

magistro iuo] the rhetorician Sextus Clodius» cp. | 43 > a diflTerenl 
person from the Sextus Clodius referred to in the word queftdam § 9* 

§». 

r7 in itto ipso] 'in that very act of yours'* 
19 istis] see note on isias in § 8. 

offict\ a Word that has no exact representative in English: it signifiet 



52 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [IV 9 

sometimes a respectful sense of Obligation, almost *courtesy', as we may 
perhaps translate it here; sometimes it l>ears the more concrete sense of 
'Service* or 'duty'; sometimes it means *right action' in a quasi-philo- 
sophical sense as translation of the Greek stoic term xa^fKor, as in the 
title of Cicero's work ^de 0ßcüs\ 

30 omni auiim €rimm\ *but your only Charge is': note that in good 
Latin crimen never quite corresponds to our 'crime'. 

35 quenäam] Sextus Qodius, an adherent of Publius Clodins» a man of 
low character. Cicero describes him, Cael. 7S, as kcmimm sine n^ sine 
ßäe^ sine spe^ sine seJe^ sine fniunis. He had been banished in the 
year 5«. 

«9 fferum tamen\ 'bat after all '• 

31 in quo] 'in a matter wherein'* 

33 lege latä\ 'the law having been once passed*. Cicero says ironicaliy 
'I suppose he wanted me to confer the favour, when there was no favour 
even for himself to confer, when the law had been already passed'. If 
a legislative enactmcnt based on directions le(t by Caesar permitting 
Clodius* restitution had been passed, what favour was left for Cicero or 
Antony to confer? We may reasonably doubt whether Caesar had left 

' any directions on the subject ; Antony says in his letter to Cicero, Att. 
XIV. 13 A, ff Caesarepetii ui Sex, CUdium restUuerei: impdravix and a 
few lines farther on he speaks of the Obligation under which he lay 
of upholding Caesar's memoranda. Bat if Cicero may be believed 
Antony forged such memoranda without scruple« 

p.5. 4 «>«'/n>/fo«r<» »»«^««/äi»!^] so &r as thcM wo«b diflcr here, 
madaiia probably- denotes self-reslraint in thought, while moderatio 
means restraint in the outward expression of the thought. Cicero says 
that each may be nsed to translate the Greek ^w^poaiini, and cp. Auct* 
ad Heren, in. 3 modestia est in anitno emUinens^ $noderaiio cupidiitUum% 
5 ne,„puietis\ dependent on 0rüi if it had been a direct prohibition 
Cicero would have written ne pytaritis. R. 1 1596 foll. and see Reid 
00 Cic. Sen. 33. 

7 meui eonsniarem] tupply iraetavit» 

8 dsi\ 'and yet'. Cicero says that Antony is not a tme consnl as 
regards either his Hfc^ or his policy, or his creation« The last assertion 
means that he was not fortnally elected to the oonsulship, bat was 
nominated bj Caesars cp. i79Ä(iiatf<rfWf«ivlMn*<viiW 



V u] NOTES. 53 

Appian II. 107 Wirovt iari^^w clMw rc küI 'Arr<&Mar r^ frra^X^ 
iavroO; Dio XLIII. 49 cwifxot^Tti r^ 'Arrf£y«oy wpoa€\6fuwot, Aaumg 
other bonours, Caesar had received in 48 the privUege of nominating^ 
ooosuli and other magUtrates for elecüon by the people» Dio xuu 90* 

§11. 

13 quitiffessit quid t^i] so far as there is a diflerence here between*tbese 
two words, f;ereri implies a course of action or policy, wbile a/ptri is 
more restricted to definite actions. Notice bere the two triplets €onsiUui^ 
gcssi^ egi and comiliot auctoriiaie, stntentia, Cicero /fs^^i^^K intended 
each noun to be specially appropriate to the corresponding verb : he 
made bis plans (eonsHiui^ in accordance with the general viewt (iom^ 
sUium) of the Senate; be carried ont bis policy {/Sitsi) under their 
sanction (aucioritas) ; he acted on each occasion (4^/) in accordance with 
their vote (senientia)» 

18 inventus] for the form of tbis sentence cp. | ii {ä„Ju inventus es qui 
dietns\ % 85 tu ergo unust sceleraie^ inventus es qmL.,veUai f 64 unus 
vwentus est qui iä auderet. 

fatuml Clodius was murdered by Milo on the Appian road; Curio 
was slain in battle with Juba king of Mauretania. 

19 id] by 'thetbing that was fatal to each of them' Cicero means 
Fulvia, who married first Clodius, then Curio, then Antony. By the 
word/atale he probably means little more than 'fraught with mischief \ 
'baneful*, for Fulvia cannot be accused of having caused the death 
of Clodius or of Curio exclept so far as she may have urged them on the 
reckless course that led to their ruin. It should be noticed that modern 
taste would absolutely condemn such a reference as tbis to the domestic 
relations of a political Opponent: cp. 77. 

§12. 

ai P» Serviiio] P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus cos. B.c. 79 with Appius 
Claudius Pulcber. He died in this year 44. In 78 — 76 be commanded 
an expedition against the pirates that infested the coast of Asia Minor 
and marching Inland waged a sanguinary war against the CilicianSy 
Pamphylians and Isaurians. In 74 he celebrated bis triumph and 
received the agnomen or honorary title of Isauricus. 

33 Q. Catulo] Q. Lutatius Catulus, cos. B.c. 78 with M. Aemilius Lepidus, 
He aided in stamping out the Catilinarian conspiracy by some ftrongly 



54 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [V xa 

repressive measure, cp. Giel. 70. Cicero was extremely proud of 
receiving his commendation, cp. Sest. isi mi.,.pum Q. CatuJus^ quem 
mulH alii saepe in Sinatu painm patrioi n^mmaratti; Pis. 6 me Q* 
Caiuiut primeps huhu ordinis et auetor pubiiH ecnsiä^ /rtquitttissim^ 
senaiu^ pareniem patrioi nominami. He died probably in 59, AtL II« 

«4 1 4« 
«4 dupbta Lu€uiiis\ (i) L. Licinius Luculltts Ponticus, cos« B.C 74 wtth 

M. Aarelius Cotta« a verjable general, who conducted campaigns uiider 

great disadvantages against Mithridates and Tigranes in 69 — 67. His 

well eamed triumph was delajed tili 63, cp. Acad. 11. 3. . See the 

admirable account of his campaign in Mommsen iv. c. s. (ii) his 

brother M. Terentius Varro Luoillus cos. B.c 73 with C. Cassius 

Vanis. He gained some victories in Thrace for which he was allowed 

the honour of a triumph in 71. 

M, Cnusü] M. Licinius Crassus, who on account of his great wealth 
receivcd the agn^men of Dives, was consul with Cn. Pompeius twice, in 
70 and in 55. In 60 he was one of the first triumvirate which consisted 
of Caesar, Pompey and Crassus. He was defeated by the Parthians 
and slain in battle near Carrhae in Mesopotamia in 54: cp. above § 7. 

Q. /fürtensuH cos. B.c 69 with Q. Caeciiius Metelius. He was next 
to Cicero the greatest Roman advocate: he died in 50. 

C. Curioni\ C Scribonius Curio, father of the Curio oflen mentioned 
in this Speech. He was consul in 76 with Cn. Octavius. He fought 
against the Maesians and Dardanians, and was the first Roman general 
who reached the Danube: he died in 53. For his praise of Cicero*s 
ooosulship cp. Att. I. 16 S 13 eonsutatuM illum nostrum qutm Curw 
iaroßiioa» vocahatm 
9$ C JPisffni] C. Calpumius Piso, cos. B.c. 67 with M*. Acilius Glabrio. 
On his retum from his proconsulship in Gaul he was charged with extor* 
tion and was successfully defended by Cicero. 

AT, dadrifffii] see last note. He was appointed successor to Lucul« 
lus in the Mithridatic war. 

AT, Lrpido] cos. in B.C. 66 with L. Volcatius Tullus. He was grand- 
son of M. Aemilius Lepidus. cos. 158 and sixth in descent irom the lil^e« 
named consul of 185. 

Z« Vfilca/W\ see last note. Observe that the former consul was 
designated by his togmmen Lepidus, but this one by his nomen Volca- 
iius; cp. SulL 11 Lepidoit Voicatio comulibut with Cat. I. 15 Lepüh 4i 
'TiiUß cüHsuiihui to little fixity of usage was there in these matters« 




V 12] * NOTES. II 

C FiguW\ C Marcius Figulus, cos. in B.c. 64 with L. Inlius Caesar a 
relative of the great Jalius. 

36 D. Silano^ Z. Murenae\ D. lunias Silanus and L. Licinius Murena 
were the consuls of 61» aQd were therefore as Cicero says consuUs 
äesigfuui in 63. The former gave it as his opinion that the Catilina- 
rian conspirators should be put to death. Murena was aocused of 
bribery in his candidature for the consulship and was successfully 
defended by Cicero in a speech still extant. 

37 M. Ctüoni\ hitherto Cicero had been speaking of exconsuls; he now 
mentions one who never held the office of consul, M. Pordus Cato» 
a rigid Stoic, who not choosing to survive the defeat of his party 
committed suidde at Utica shortly aAer the battle of Thapsus B.C 4d. 
Cicero wrote a treatise in praise of him called ^laus Catanis*^ to whidi 
Caesar replied with an *Antuato\ Cato approved highly of Cicero's 
policy during his consulship but refused to vote in favour of his having 
a supplicatio decreed in his honour, for which Cicero thought him 
ungrateful. See the correspondence between them in Farn. XV. 3 — 6. 

qui»„vidU'\cum„Jum™*ho\h..,9Ltk&*i hence translate literally *who 
both exercised forethought [providit) in many (other) things by quitting 
life, and also in the fact that [quod) he did not see you consul '• Cicero 
says ironically that Cato showed great foresight in dying as he did, and 
so avoiding, among other calamities, the sight of Antony holding the 
consulship. For the construction cp. leg. Agr. xi. 91 muUum in poste» 
rum pravuUrunt quod,,.urbfm ipsam soltUam ac dtbilitatam reliquerunU 

30 decedens ex Syrid\ this was early in the year 6a but he did not enter 
Rome tili the autumn of 61. In a letter to Pompey written during the 
course of the year 63, Farn. v. 7, and elsewhere, Cicero complains that 
Pompey had not adequately appreciated his great Services to his country« 

31 visurunt] *he should see' when he entered Rome, that being in the 
strict sense his patria, Cicero met him outside Rome when he was 
waiting for his triumph. 

3a guid,,.commetnoro\ 'why do I mention': quid commenufnm^ which 
Cicero might have written, would be 'why should I mention' : cp. Cat. 
XV. 15 quidego equites Romanos commemoremf and directly after (§ 16) 
quid ego hosce homines orditusque commemoro ? 

P« 6« a referret acc€ptant\ reftrre acceptum is a book-keeping phrase ' to 
set down as received', 'to enter on the credit side of one*s accounts': the 
expression is often used metaphorically, as it is here; e.g. tibi vitam 
nuam accepiam reftro means 'I place my life to your credit*» i.e. in the 



\ 



I M ri r ^mtu i ~MTt niW n" i ' * * " ■' 



56 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [V za 

«ccount between in I acknowledge that I lUnd indebCed to 70a for my 
lUes cp. 40^ 55« Au. XI. 1 ( s, and often in Cicero« 



tlS. 

4 fui dtM\ we should say 'of whom two '. 

5 reliqui tufU] *are l^t': rtliqu&t almostar^/V/itf, as eximius is 
someümes used in sense of ixemphu Dir. Caec 5s: q>. Cluent. 11 tum 

ßlium quem tarnen unum ex muitis fortuna r^qu^m esse voinisset^ in 
which passage we may compare the words unum ex muMs vfith Homce*t 
una Je muUis face nupHali digna Carm. III. 11, 33 and with Cicero in 
this passage dua de eensulariutk numere, from which it appeara that 
de or ex may be used indifferently in such phrases, though «r it the more 
common. See Holden on Off. iii. 34 quUqwim^M «t/, who cp. Mil.65 
ab un0 de Ulis, 

Z. C^td\ see note on ( s 1. 17. L. Aurelias Cotta was consal in 65 
with T. Manlius Torquatus. In 64 he filled the office of censor, though 
according to Plutarch he was ^XocF^rof. In 57 when the consui 
P. Lentulus Spinther brooght forward a motion granting Cicero permis* 
sion to retum from exile, Cotta who was princeft senahu being asked 
hb opinion said that as Cicero had not been legally banished no law was 
necessary for his recalL Sest. 73t dom. 68. 
ingenio^ ablative of quality. 

6 rebus eis gestis\ * when I had performed those exploits*. 

7 sufiplifaiioneml * a public thanksgi ving' : the duration of these thanks- 
givings varied; this one was probably for five days; cp. prov. cons. 17, 
Halm on Cat. ill. 15 (ed. Wilkins). 

9 qui..,nemim\ cp. Cat. in. 15 suppUeaii» dis immorialihut pre singu» 
lari e»rum merito meo nomine deereia estt qued mihi pHmum post hanc 
urbem eoudiiam togate eontigii^ et kis verbis deereta est *qned urbem 
ineendiist eaede eitdst /taliam beüe Hberassem*. 

10 tifffiite]^*in time of peace': llt. 'clad in the toga', which was the 
garb of peace, as distinguished from the sagum which was wom in 
war, henoe such expressions as saga sumere, ad saga ire Phil. V* 31^ 
XIV. I. 

nemini] notioe the emphatic position of this word: Caesar says with 
cqual pride and emphasis, B. G. 11. 35 dienern quindkim tupplieaiio 
deereia est^ qmd ante id tempms aeeidit nuUi. 



VI xs] NOTES. Sl 

§14. 

JU Caesar] Antony*t father, M. Antonius Creticus, married lolia aster 
of L. Ittltus Caesar, who was consnl in 64: see note on § la 1« 35: q»* 
Phil. Till. I, s. 
la tn/rüum] 'stepfather* : P. Lentulus Sura who married Antooy*t 
widowed mother lulia: q). Cat iv. 13 Z. Cae$ar„.sororis nuu.»»vimm 
praamUm #/ auäUntim vita privandum esu dixU, He voted for the 
execution of his brother*in-Iaw Lentulus ooe of the Catilinarian con-' 
spirators. 

14 U nmiUm„»maluiai\ cp. PhiL V. 6 quae issetU^ si U tansuUm quam 
hostem fnaiuusis, fttoii which may be compared both for the aocnsativc 
and Infinitive construction aiter maile, and also for the omissioa of esu : 
contrast with this PhiL v* 3 inimieus quam amicus au maluii, The 
twofold construction of maUe^ vdU is akin to that of cupere^ e.g« a^ia 
vidiri *I wish to seem', or cupw me videri 'I wish that I should seem' : 
see Halm on Cat« ii« 4 (ed. Wilkins), cp. below § 19 €upii enim u 
audacem, 

15 usiu sum] Gcero followed the advice that L. Caesar and otheis gave 
him that the conspirators should be put to death. 

16 ecquidl *did you ever refer any matter of State to him ibr oonside- 
ration?' 

§ 15. 

. 18 descendi^ supply in forum : descendtri was the regulär term for going 
into Übt forum, which was situated on comparatively low ground« 

19 nataliciam\ sc. anofu, a birthday feast. 

Aortis] the house and grounds once belonging to Pompey, see 
below §67. 

so Phormiont\ Cicero proceeds to mentiön three characters from Latin 
comedy; how far they are intended to represent living persons it is 
hard to say: cp. Caec. 97 argentarius Sex. Clodius^ eui nomen est 
Phomtiot fuc minus niger nee minus conßdens quam iüe Terentianus est 
Phormio. This is perhaps a different person from the Sex; Godius 
refened to above § 9, as well as from the rhetorician mentioned hi { 43. 
Cnaihom\ a parasite in the Eunuchus of Terence. 

sf Bal/ioni] a disreputable character in the Pseudolus of Plautus« In 
a Speech delivered in B.c. 76 Cicero compared a Greek adventurer 
C Fannius Chaerea to Ballio, Rose. Com. § 90. 

P. P. 1 . 



"X 



S8 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [VI 15 

33 tu„jreferas\ a wondering indignant qaestion 'would you refer?' it is 
fonnd with all three persons, cp; Plane. 93 tgo ium höh iueart <C9 
C Coisaris lauäihus dcsimf Phil. \i, laniüe idfaeiatt,.,huic dmun» 
iiaitoni iUepareatt the usage is fully illustrated by Draeger Hist Sjmt. 
§ 536: cp. above § 5 tum tu occitUrest The subjonetive is probably an 
apodosis to an implied protasis. 

34 ref€ras\ notice how forcibly the intended contnst is brought out 
by this referas being placed immediately aiter the other and withoat 
any adversative particle, such as auUm. 

36 videiicei] *it is dear'» 'forsooth': introduces an ironical Statement. 

37 pudortm\*9iaiaitxAhonciax^^puäicitia*moAtaXj** 

38 in eo templol the temple of Concord built by M. Furius Camillus 
B.c. 367, cp. Ovid Fasti I. 639, Plut. Camill. 43 : see below § 19 and 
Phil. III. 30 where it is called cella Concordiae^ in Phil. V. 30 it is atdes, 
Concordiae, It stood at the upper or north-westem end of the forum. 
In its latest restoration *'the//v/ME0f is smaller than the cdla^ and forms 
a kind of porch to it« and the cdla has greater breadth than depth ; the 
formet measuring 83 feet in breadth and 45 in depth, and the latter 147 
feet in width by 78 in depth ", Bum, Rome and the Campagna p. 91. 
The Senate could only hold its sittings in a Umpium^ i.e. a place (not 
necessarily a covered building) which had received the divine sanction 
by the process of inauguratU at the hands of the augursl The oeremony 
of 'consecrating' (cünsecrtUü) a building was pcrformed by one of the 
higher magistrates. 

{16. 

31 tu\ emphatic: 'such a person as you'« 

€livom CapMinum] for the event cp. Halm-Wilkins Introduction to 

Catil. Speeches § 36. The date was 5 Dec. 63. 
33 servormm] probably to be taken literally 'slaves'» not as HM« 

•'knighu as Cicero*s vassals" (J.S.R.). 
33 ^rA^] the parenthetic an& as usual introduces an ironical Statement : 

'I suppose I applied force to the Senate to make them pass those wicked 

decrees'« He means the decrees by which the oonspiraton were 

executed and their property confiscated. 

me/aria] this wcml is no donbt a quotation ftom Antony. 

p.7. I «•MMr]the«xelamation#itfolIowedeitherb7anomIiiat!veor 
an accusative, aoooiding as the peison or thing spoken of with astonish« 
ment is r^garded by the. Speaker as subject or object of an action: here ' 



VII 17] NOTES. 59 

# miser implles something like o quam miur es; contrast this with § 54 
mUtrum U n kaec inUllegis^ where the idea in the writer*t mind is *how 
wretched must we suppose yoa to be* or something similar! in ( 89 
auguria and in § 104 tecta are probably nominatives: for other exx« see 
l§ 4« I5i 5^* ^3* <^S* ^Bt 86, joo ; and with the form of the present passage, 
qx HO tf diUstabilem hominem shße quod tyranni sacerdos €s sivt quad 
mortui, 

4 adulescensl Antony was abont 10 at the time of the Catilinarian con« 
spiracy. 

qui.„meminisse^ i.e. who remembered his duty as a Citizen. 

5 €um„Msef\ cum most be slightly causal« hence the sabjunctivc; 
otherwise one might have expected enttp 

6 namen\ the meaning is 'who did not give in his name as a yolunteer 
for the protection of the senate ? ' 

§ 17. 

9 comchruml the Allobrogian envoys who gave information of the pro- 
posals the conspirators had made to them; in other ways too the oon*. 
spiracy oozed out, as was natural considering the numbers implicated« 

sua manu] cp. Cat III. 10 cognomt {Siatilius) et Signum et manum 
suam. 

voce paene iittcrarumj paene qualifies the boldness of the metaphor« 
Cicero refers to the intercepted dispatches addressed to the Allobrogian 
envoys and found on their persons when they were arrested on the 
Mulvian bridge. The writers were Cethegus, Statilius and Lentulus: 
Cat. III. 10. 

II quis csscfl 'who would there be*, not 'who was there', which would • 
require erat. 

.14 si qui] it is hard to establish any clear distinction between the use of 
quis and of qui in such expressions as this; perhaps qui is more adjecti- 
val than quis, 

accidit contigisset] contingere is more oflen used of good than of bad 
fortune, while accidere is far more oflcn used of bad than of good : the 
present passage and Cat. 1. 16 si hoc (to be received with a dead silence) 
post kominum memoriant contigU tsemini (with many others, cp. Reid on 
Am. § 8) give exceptions in the use of contingere, while Att« l. 5 omnia 
quae iucunda accidere possunt accidebani and Caes. B. G. I. 50, iv. %% 
afford instances of exception in the use oi accidere, 

15 ad sepulturam\ Plutarch Ant. % says emphatically that the corpses 

7—2 



N 



6o ORATIO PHILIPPICÄ SECUNDA. [VII x; 

were given np for bnria], ini^ *ÄmimM oW rftr rtirpAr «duocf dvoSo^jroc 
Tov' A^yrXev wp6rtpow i r$t TVMUicot roO KtWpMrot rV ßifrdpa dcii^oi. 
roOro/Uw oSr ^^ioXoyovyc^rwt ^(iMf Irrir* «Mctf 7^^ «ijpX^ ro^ff rflr 

18 t«>ir£f fif MMw/^m] *it occurs to yoa' : stndents should remember that 
in good Latin vmit in nunitm Uused impenonally as heret or occaslon- 
ally with a pronoun or neuter adjective as subject, e.g. hoe mihi vmit in 
muntern or multa mihi veniunt in mentem; such a constmction as Cic 
Farn. IV. 15 1 1 nun motb terta res nnUa, sednegenus quidem litterarum 
Msiiatum venitdat in tnentem is very rare : otherwise the phrase is con- 
stmcted with the genitive^ e.g. venit in tnentem mihi iuae epistulae 
*1 call to mind yoor letter *• 

recUgtre in memoriam] the same phrase is quoted by LS. from 
Farn. I. 9 § 9. 

19 P. Lentult\ P. Cornelius Lentulus Sara, consul in 71, was afterwards 
expelled firom the Senate on account of hu gross immorality, Zi iaeik* 
Tfior ^|fXiyX4^tevof rft ßonikiiß Flut Cic. l^^ He had been Solla's 
qnaestor, and was praetor in 63. 

SS tami to be taken with excorsi tarn as a demonstrative adverb of 
intensity is nsed with adjectives and not with verbs, ita with verbs and 
also with adjectives: tantum is often used with verbs in this sense, cg. 
nx tantum auderitaie eint moius est ut &c. where tam would be incor* 
lect: for the occasiooal ose of nen tam with verbs, cp. Madvig Fin. i. z. 
tua teeum i/se] notice the accumulation of pronouns: i/u is redun* 
dant bat serves to add to the emphasis. 

94 diiuneta atque contraria^ cp. Acad. II. 97 e eontrariis diinnetie. 

36 ßsisu in] *took part in*. 

30 fuem ۤntrd[ eontrm b fireqaently thus pnt after the piononn that 
depends on it: ßn prose it is rare to find a monosyUabie preposition 
after its case; and then mottly in archaic phrases like pi§ de agitur* 
J.S.R.] 

§1». 

31 enßit enim u atidaeem] sapply ose and see note on § 14 1. 14. 

p« 8» I armati\ the Philippics are fall of references to Antony's condact 
in attempting to overawe the deliberations of the Senate bj bands of 
armed men. 



ij 



VIII 2o] NOTES. 6 t 

eeüa Coneordiai\ see note on § 15 L s8. The ulla was properly 
speaking that part of the temple which contained tKe image of the God; 
the *chapel': q>. v. 18 ülüd vero taeUrrimum non modo aspeciu^ sid 
itiam audüu, in cdla Ccncordiae cotlocari armtUos latrona^ Hcariast de 
Utnpio earcenm fieri; operiis vahu Concordiae^ cum inier suhsellia 
senatus versaretUur latro$ust paira eonscripiat imtetUioi dicen : and § oo 
agmmi quadruio in {udtm Concordioi venu. 

3 adkanc dUm\ ' up to the present time' : if dia had becn used here 
of any definite day it would have been masculine ; cp. Caes. B. G« i. 6 
dUm dicuni qua dU,„€9nveniafU: is dia erat a, d. v. KaL Apr.\ q;>. 
§119 huMC unum düm^ unum^ inquatn^ hoditmum dUm used with 
reference to the actual day on which the orator is speaking* 

5 €opulaitis\ Cicero is speaking of the general harmony which prevailed 
between the senatorial and equestrian order at the time of his consul- 
ship : cp. espedally Cat. iv, 15. 

Juii\ *'with fiä a perfect is fonned, which denotes that a thing has 
been (for some time) in a certain condition: bis deinde post Numac 
ngnum lanus clausus fuä (Liv. I. 19) 'has been shut', not *was shut', 
which would be expressed by clausus eti\ Madv. L. G. | 344. 

7 /lyraeis] foreign mercenaries. Ityraea was a region on the east of 
the Jordan opposite Galilee, S. Luke iii. i. It was overrun by Pompey 
during his eastem campaign in 63, and he probably brought over some 
of the inhabitants to serve in the Roman army, as they were noted for 
their skill in archery; cp. Veig. Georg. 11. 448 Jtyraeos taxi torquetUur 
in arcus, Antony served in the same campaign, Plut. Ant. 3, and may 
have brought some back in his retinue: cp. § ixs cur homines omniutn 
gentium maxime barbaros, Ityraeos^ cum sagittis deducis in forum f 

8 qui,„non vidcas] 'inasmuch as you do not see '• 

9 nihil profocto sapis'l 'you are absolutely devoid of sense': cp. § 43 
ut, . .nihil sapcrt disctrcs^ % 68 quamvis nihil sapias. 



§20. 

IS facetus\ cp. SuII. ss at hie etiam^ id quod tibi necesse minime fuiti 

facäus esse voluisti, 
13 in quo] 'in which fact', i.e. the fact that your facetiousness does not 
become you. 

salis] * wit': the expression 'Attic salt' is familiär. 

mima uxore] Cytheris, also called Volumnia, cp. § 38: the word 



■^ 



, 62 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [VIII 20 

' ^ ux9r U used ironically «i Cytheris was not mamed to Antony: ihe wis 
anactress. 

14 ceJant arma iogai\ part of a line, cedani arma togoi^ tcncedai laurta 
laudi^ which occurred in Gcero't poem *de suis temporibus' written 
probably in B.C. 54. Only one other line from it has been preservedi 
fortunaiam na/am nu CüHsule Jfümam, These poor jingling lines 
afiorded bis contemporaries mach theme for scorn, q;>. Off. I. 77 üiuä 
autem cptimum at in quoä iitvadi soUn ab improbis ti imfidis audio : 
* cedani* &c.; Pis. 73, 74 where Cicero condescends to explain bis 
meaning for Piso's benefit. For the meaning of toga see abore note on 
§ 13 1. 10. 

ium\ in my consolship* 

30 defuiss€\ as HM. point out^ this remark seems to imply that Antony 
had charged Cicero with writing verses to the neglect of other more 
important duties. 

3 1 omnigenen müHumeniarum] Cicero refers chiefly to bis pbilosophical 
and rhetorical writings. His desire to be of use to the youth of bis 
cottntry by promoting the study of literature and pbilosophy is a marked 
and honourable feature in bis cbaracter. 

33 vigiiiae] vXmoA^ luatbraiiona 'my Ittcubrations*f that is, the literaiy 
tasks accomplished during my nightly rigils : cp. Quintilian xi. 3. 33 et 
vigilandoi ncctes •ifiüigo lucubrationum bibenda. 



§8L 

3$ putareni] beware of translating this as if it wert pufassent* 

cum tu,.,i9uecutus a\ the story is told in MiL 40 nuper vero cum 
Jlf, Antonius summam tpem salutis bonis omnibus attulisset gravisH* 
mamque adtUescent nobilissimus reipublicae partem fortissime suscepiuet 
atque itlam beluam^ ittdici laqucos deciinantem, tarn irretitam teneret, 
qmiocuSf quodtempus illud^ di immortaUs^fuitt cum so ille fugiens in 
scaiarum tenebris abdidissct, magnum Milonifitit confiart ittam pestcm 
nuUa tua nwidia^ M. vero Antoni maxima fforia* This took place in 
53 when Antony was a candidate for the quaestorship; cp. § 49. 

08 ocaUu tabemoi librariae\ *the staircase of a bookshop'* Whole 
hoases in Rome were often let in portions for shop premises» eacfa 
tradesman hiring so much of the house as he lequired for the purposes 
of his trade« The bookseller here referred to seems to have had his 
Shop iq;>staii% and it was in the dark staircase leadingtolt that C\»&kaak 



1X22] NOTES. 6z 

hid himseir, securing hit retreat by closing (appilatis) the entrance, 
probably by means of a door, cp.^ Qc. Fragm. 159, 44 (Nobbe) aperuU 
fores scalarum, 

30 favisse\ *gave you my coontenance*. 

33 retn transegifl above he says negotium tratuegisses as we might say 
'finish the business*. 

33 suspuar€iur\ notice the mood: 'before anyone should (could) sus- 
pect': stirpicatus est would be *before anyone (actually) did suspect*. 
*' After ante quam, prius quam the indicative merely points out the fad 
that of two events one succeeds the other in time» while the subjunctivc 
declares that their succession is wiUed by a penon'*» Reid on Cic. 
Balb. § 18. 

«/] 'but, you say'; this use of a/, introducing an opponent't objection, 
is very common in this speech, as elsewhere. Another common use of 
at 18 to mark a transition from one argument or lubject to another, 'bat 
again', as in the first line of § lo. 
I 

S 22. 

P« 9« 3 qttamquani\ 'and yet' an enquiry was held. 

4 iwn satis prudmter illa quidcm constituta\ * not quite wisely con-! 
stituted it is true * : this restrictive use of ille quidem which may be 
translated 'it is true*, followed by an adversative clause, is very 
common in Cicero, cp. § % multa et lauta mpellex..jion illa quidem 
luxuriosi hominis, sed &c., 'not, it is true, that of a person of luxurious 
habite'; R. § 3359 foll. 

5 nova lege\ this was the lex Pompda de vi, which being passed only 
for a special occasion was called a Privilegium, It was passed under 
the influence of the intense excitement prevalent in Rome in conse* 
quence of the murder of Clodius, and was intended to introduce a 
more convenient and expeditious mode of procedure at the trial. 
Its particulars are stated by Asconius in his introduction to the Milo, 
of which a translation will be foimd in the Pitt Press edition of that 
ipeech. 

6 cum esset quaestio'\ 'when there already existed a form of enquiiy*. 
The lex Plotia de ,vi might have been put in force, without recourse 
being had to a new enactment such as that of Pompey. 

8 tuis imuntusl see note on § 1 1 1. 18. 



64 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [IX aj 

tas. 

9 idqu€\ *and that too': in Greek kvX ra(^. 

I f non tu piidem\ for this restrictive fuidem with the personal pionount 
foUowed hf an adversative cbuse« see above on I. 4. 

I a timparihtis] 'dates ' : ablative of the * thing in point of which * a term 
is Implied or an assertion made, R. § ziio. 

13 M, Bibuic\ M. Bibiilus was consul with Caesar in B.c. 59. He 
disapproved of many of the measures of his able and ambitious col- 
league, bat was too powerless to prevent them, and showed his dis- 
pleasure by shutting himself up in his house for a considerable part of 
the year, which gave rise to the lines Mon Bibuh piicquam nuper »d 
Caaare factum est^ \ nam Bibulofitri consuU nil memini, Cicero was 
absent from Rome for the first half of this year, retuming in Jone* It 
was probably alter this that he endeavoured to detach Pompey from 
Caesar. His letters at this time contain many expressions of regard for 
Pompey, who promised him protection against bis enemy Qodius, and 
at the same time of mistrust of his policy. Cicero*s own Statements in 
his letters to Atticus that he was watching the tum of events and 
abstaining from political interference, Att. ix. 9S § 3» seem at variance 
with his assertion here that he did hb ntmost to detach Pompey from 
Caesar; but cp. Fam. vi. 6 { 4 plurimi sunt festes me et imtü, m 
coniungerä se eum Ctusare^ monuisse Pwnpeium^ et postea tu se düun" 
geret, 

16 ipse eftim„.duufutt/l Cicero is probably thinking of the following 
year 58 when Pompey notwithstanding Cicero's eamest entreaties 
refused to save him from the persecution of Qodins, saying that he 
couM do nothing contrary to Caesar*s wish : cp. Plutarch Cic. 30 i^ f 
wap^wBtU o Ktu^ap roV t€ KXf^^cor ijrippu^ k§lI Üofir^tor aWtfr/)f^ 
jBO/ttdif ro8 KcW^wrof, «Mf rt KartfUtprCpiiatw h r fp ^tu^ M9 ^^ wirf 
Kokut /gtfik 90/äfmt äwdpat JgplTovt argpi^BM rovt wtpl A4rr\w koI 
lUOiiyowt and see ib. 31 for tiie account of Cicero's interview with 
Pompey referred to in Att. x. 4 ( 3 ; Forsyth Life of Cicero p. 183. 

i3 JA///7 ,Ampudentis'\ a good instanoe of the wdl-known grammatical 

'^"••ro callcd •cliiasmns*. 

-" ■ . • ' 

30 sueuerim\ tue Mibjunctive is consecutive» R« |§ 1680 foll.: the 
peifect is nsed of a definite past event ; contrast this with Caes. B. G. 
VI. %^/mii euUea t$mput eum Germauos Colli virtute superarent 'there 



■» ' i * \. »'mmmetmmfrm 




1X24] NOTES. 6$ 

was a time when the Gauls were superior to the Germans', and with 
the present passage q>. Cic« Mur. 35 imfCfUtts tU seriba piidam,„qui 
camicum oculüs con/ixtrii. 
sr ti poia\ 'if you can't Cicero might have written H poms *if yoa 
were able*. 

quinquenut\ Pompey and Crassus as consnls in 55 proposed in the 
lex Pompeia de provineüs that Caesar's command in the two Gallie 
provinces and Illyricum should he prolonged for 5 years, from z March 
54 to I March 49« The original limit of his command was for 5 years 
from I March 59 to x March 54. See Att. viii. 3 § 3 (written in 49) 
where Cicero accumulates instances of Pompey*8 weakness and vacilla« 
tion at a critical period. 
31 prorogarefl '**to prolong Caesarea imperium for 5 years\ lit. 'to 
propose a further 5 years' imperium* \ not 'to extend YSAfinrmer 5 years* 
imperium* i cp. § 74 paucis tibi prorogaiis dielus i.e« 'allowing you a 
fewdays'respite'"(M). 

ut absentis eius ratio haberetur\ rationem habere absentis *to take 
account of a person in his absence* was a technical phrase of the 
Roman Constitution signifying to allow a person to stand for an office in 
his absence^ that is, to allow him to dispense with the Obligation of 
giving in his name in person at least three weeics (irinundinum) before 
the date of election. Caesar wished to stand for the consubhip of 48, 
but his command in Gaul would not expire tili March 49, and by 
a previous law which had been nominally but not practically oltered he 
was entitled to retain his command tili the arrival of his successor oa 
I Jan. 48« which he was very anxious to do in order to escape impeacb- 
ment,' to which he was liable when out of office. He would thus be 
unable to give in his name before the date of election which would 
probably take place in July 49. There was an old rule requiring 
this personal dedaration, and it was naturally of importance for Caesar 
and his party that the Obligation should be dispensed with, not only for 
the reason above mentioned, but also because by entering the city for 
the professio he would forfeit his triumph: accordingly a special enact- 
mttA ox Privilegium gizxi\XTig this dispensation was carried by the ten 
tribunes in 53, with the consent of Pompey; but in the lex Pompeia de 
iure magislraluum, contemporaneous with the lex Pompeia de provineüs 
mentioned above, the old rule was reaffirmed without any exception 
being made in favour of Caesar who was thus again exduded. Suetonius 
says (Caes. 38) that this was due to an oversight of Pompey's» per 



66 ORATIO PHIUPPICÄ SECUNDA. [IX 24 

Manonem^ but it was dearly an oversight in bis own interest. Yet, 
Strange to say, yielding to tbe pressure of tbe Caesarian party, be 
cansed a special clause to be inserted in tbe law after it bad been 
engraved and deposited in tbe aerarium^ making tbe requisite exception 
in Caesar's favour. Tbis late addition was irregulär, if not illegal, and 
in cons^uence of tbese many cbanges of tbe law it was bard to define 
Ca.<ssar*s exact position witb respect to bis candidature. It may be 
noticed tbat Cicero's account of bis own action bere is not quite easy to 
reconcile witb tbat given in Farn. vi. 6 § 5 and Att. vix. i § 4. 

37 provideram\ Cicero oflen speaks of bis own political foresigbt ; in a 
ietter to Caecina Fam. vi. 6 (tbe wbole of wbicb sbould be read), 
written about August 46, be says *I would teil yoa of all my predictions 
* wbicb bave been verified, did I not fear tbat you would tbink me to be 
propbesying aller tbe event*. Some Mss bave pratvidtram^ but Cicero 
very seldom vsta praevidtn^ and Caesar never* 

18 €omposUioms\ *amicable arrangement't cp. Caes. B. C* l. 39 Usaios 
ad Pompcium de composUiofu müti operiere, 

39 illa vax\ *tbat expression': we do not know on wbat occasion tbese 

words were uttered; tbey are referred to in tbe letter to Caecina quoted 

above, Farn. vi. 6 ( 4 plurimi sunt testa me et initie, ne eoniungeret se 

€um Caesare, monuisu PompHum etpostea ne se diiungeret : eoniunetione 

/rangt senatus epes, diiunctione civÜe bellum excitari videbam* 

33 €oissd\ ceire societatem 'to form an alliance'; CQgnate accusative: 
tbe pbrase is also used of a trading portnersbip^ cp. Rose. Am. lo, 87, 
96. Sometimes in ot ad sodetaiem is used, cp. Suet. Aug. 39 ad 
nullius nan facineris societatem coibant; Tac. Hist. Iil. 19 mos est 
regibus, quotiens in societatem coeant, implicare dextras. 

31 diremisses] so nsed of breaking up an alliance in Att iv. 17 § 3 
(Wesenberg) dirempta coitione, 

gravitatis\ *dignity', 'self-respect*. 

P» 10« 3 concidisset] 'would bave collapsed*: notice tbe tense and 
contiast it witb starei 'would be Standing*. 

§20. 

5 praeparieaiorem] praevaricator was one, in tbe language of tbe 
jurists, pd diversam partim adiuvatt prodita caussa sua^ tbat is, one 
wbo is in coUnsion witb tbe opposite side. Ciceco'i aigument is— ^ben 
my Opponent cbaiget me witb being coocemed in Caesar*i mnrder, 




mimfmmi^'mmmimmmm 




X26] NOTES. 67 

people must think that he is in collusion with me and whilc pretending 
to sutack is really aiding me, for to have taken part in toch a glorioiis 
deed would be a reason for boasting, not for shame. 

7 s0ۆkUifacU\ for the genitive of description cp. 33 consUi sodeiatem. 

8 ßtüsi^ the indicative fuerat would have been possible, bat the 
sabjunctive generalises the Statement, pti being ahnost equindent to 
dummodo is *provided that he had been*. 

9 oecultaium dicotl a frequent rhetorical trick with Cicero of repeating 
a Word interrogatively with dicü and then rejecting it as insuffident and 
sabstitnting a different mode of expression. 

cUius dixerim\ 'I would sooner have said' or 'I would sooner say'. 
10 iac/asu] some actually did so, as P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther 

and C. Octavius : Flut. Caes. 67 ; Appian B.C. II. 119 adds others. 
I X ^uam ut quisqtiami notice that dixerim is first followed by an accus- 

ative and Infinitive clause iactassi se aliguaSt and then by an ut clause «/ 

quüquam,„velUt i of course the ui,»,videnntur above is a final clause 

'in Order that they might be thought'. • 

§26. 

13 to/] Suetoniüs says that there were over sixty engaged in the plot, 
Caes. 80. 

14 eienim si auctares„,auctoribtis\ Cicero implies that Brutus Cassius 
and the rest needed no one to 'authorise' their deed: they were of 
sufficient authority in themselves. 

15 Brutos] the two Brut! were M. lunius Brutus and Decimus lunius 
Brutus Albinus. 

€go\ said with emphasis : 'such as I'. 

16 Z. Bruti] Cicero says that each of the Brut! had before bis eyes the 
ancestral effigy of L. lunius Brutus, who delivered Rome from the 
Tarquins. As a matter of foct they were not his descendants: cp. 
OreUi's Onomasticon s. v. L. lunius Brutus. [Sometimes less dis- 
tinguished families appropriated the imagims of the more distinguished 
who bore the same name. J.S.R.] 

1 7 alier etiam Ahalae\ because M. Brutus was the son of Servilia, a 
^ lady of the well-known Servilian gmsy to which belonged C. Servilius 

Structus Ahala, who when master of the horse to the dictator Cin^in- 
natus in 439 B.c. assassinated Spurius Maelius, a rieh plebeian who had 
devoted his wealth in a time of great distress to the relief of the poor 
and was accused of aiming at kingly power« The foul murder, for such it 



65 ORATIO PHILTPPICA SECÜNDA. [X 26 

seems to have been, constitated Ahala a hero in the eyes of Roman 
aristocrats : q). Lad. 98; IXyj iv. 13. 

his tnahrihusl 'with such ancestora as these*: ablative of attendant 
circumstancesy R. § i%\0* 
18 firis.„domo\ *fiom oat$ide'...*firom their own home': in Greek 

Mg quidT\ 'again'« 

C Cassius\ a member of the same family as Sp. Cassios Vecellinus 
who in 486 B. c when oonsul brought forward an agrarian law and was 
conseqnently put to death, his own lathcr according to some authorities, 
livy II« 41, taking a chief part in his prosecution. Hence Cicero says 
the Cassian family could not brook any undue assumption of power 
{poUntia)^ much less an absolute supremacy« Valerius Maximus vi. 3 
I says of him that ^us suspicio eoneupUae dominatwnU noeuii quam tres 
tnagnißci eonsulaius ac duü speciosusimi triumpki profiterunt, 

91 ^m^] ironical, as usual. 

S2 in Ciiicia] this must have been in the summer of 47 when Caesar 
after finishing the Alexandrian war sailed to Syria and Cilicia and 
thence marched through Cappadocia to Pontus, cp. [Caes.] bell. Alex. 

66 ipsc iodem classequa venerai proficiscUurin Cäiciam: cuhu prcvinaae 

dvitaUs omnis ivocai Tarsum quod oppidumfert toHus Cilicioi nobiUsH» 
mumforüssimumqui ut* Tarsus was on the river Cydnus, now called the 
Tersus. Nothing eise is known of this occurrence« I do not quite 
understand Halm's remarks (Introduction, note 55)* 
«3 quam C0nstiiuira(\ssad quam tomtUuerai {navet appdUre)* The 
Omission of the preposition is abundantly illustrated by HhL 

§S7. 

34 Cu, Domäiuml son of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, killed by Antony 
at Pharsalus in 48 (cp. below, ( 71)« and Porda sister of iL Pordus 
Cato who committed suidde at Utica in 46. Caesar had spared the 
lives of the two Domitii after the capture of Corfinium hdd by the eider 
Domitius for Pompey in 49: Caes. B.C I. «3« 

36 m/ mta aud^ntasl in translating we should arrange this sentenoe 
somewhat differently— *was it my authority, and not rather the death of 
his father...that aroused Domitius to essay the recovery of Uberty?' 
The m€a is emphatic as is the 13^^ in the next line. 

97 C TWi^MMf] one of Caesar*! £^« in Gaul« and afterwazds entrusted 



XI 28] NOTES. 69 

by hit mflster with the siege of liiassilia. He tried to engage AnUmy 
in the plot against Caesar's life, cp. Flut. Am. 13. 

j^suast,» »Suaden] suadere is to try and convince a persont/f>YMi* 
dert to sucoeed in oonvindng himt Our word 'persoode' is ambignous. 
38 quo\ *whercby\ 'wherefore*. Improved modern feeling legards 
Trebonius as one of the basest of traitors. 

30 depuisorl not elsewhere in Gcero or any author of this period: the 
word seems to have been applied to Jupiter as 'averter' of ills. 

31 Z. TiUius Cimier] he too was at first a staunch partisan of Caesar 
who had entrusted him with the province of Bithjmia. On the ides of 
March Qmber approached Caesar with a petition for his brother w^o 
was in exile, and the rest of the conspirators crowded round him as 
though to further his request« After the murder he retnmed to 
Bithynia. 

P« II* 1 duos Servilios\ Pt Servilius Casca and C Servilitis Casca. As 
they were a branch of the Servilian gins^ Cicero hesitates whether to 
give them the samame Casca orAhala: see note on ( 36 1« 17. P. Casca 
strack the first blow and then called on his brother to aid. 

3 ni pHblkae\ objective genitive after earüas, 'aifection Ibr the 
republic % 

§28. 

8 Cueroncm nominatim exclamavitl * called aloud on Cicero by name ': 
. this use of exclamart seems rare: in Plaut. Amph. 11 30 voce €lara 

exclamai uxonm tuam, (fboted by LS.» inclanuU should probably 

be read. 
XI appeUandi mei] the object {me) is attracted into the case of the 

gerund; the gerund receives adjectival inflexions and is made to agree 

with the object in number and gender and is then called the genindive. 

R* § 1374* 1395* For instance 'the reason for calling the woman' 

would be not caussa appeUandi mulUrem (gerund)» but eamsa appel* 

landae tnulieris (gerundive). 

eomimileni\ 'precisely similar\ stronger than simüemx the word 

takes a genitive or a dativct 
13 laudiuml laus is frequently used of a praiseworthy action, cp. Att 

II. 35 quam omaU nostras laudes in asira sustulii where it almost« 

*mcrits'« The form laudium seems well attested« 



70 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XI 39 

§ 29. 

15 nt\ 'if, in your view, it is a crime'; the sobjunctlve seems to show 
that Cicero it expressing the thought of another and not tpeaking 
directly in his own person« but it may possibly be explained as in { 31 > 
1. 7 where lee note. 

■9 rtgnarii this and regnum are often used of despotic power. 

ao bom\ the well-inte^tioned party» the 9pHmaUs with whom Cicero 
ivas politically allied. 

§80. 

93 äuporem^ a stronger word than stultitia, cp. 80 incredibUem stupidi* 
totem hominis cognosHte* 

pecudis\ not quite the same as oar insalting epithet *beast' which 
would be bdua (a word that Cicero is very fond of applying to his 
enemies) but rather corresponding to our *blockhead', implying doU 
insensibility or stupidity ; cp. PhiL Vlix. 9 komina agraUs^ si homims 
tili ae $i0n pecudes potiusy i$tani spe,..provehuntttr, 

94 hotwris caujsa] this was an apologctic expression used in reference to 
a living person mentioned by the Speaker; 'Brutus, whose name I 
mention with all posable respect*. A passage from Q. Rose. Com. 18 
is worth quoting hi Illustration of this: nonne quotiemeunque incaussa in 
nofiun huius inciäistit totiens hune ei virum bonum esst dixisti et honoris 
caussa appdlastii quod nemo nisi out honestissimo out amicissimo facero 
eonsuevit. qua in re mihi ridiaäe es visus esse ineonsians^ qui eundtm 
ä laedera et laudqires^ et virum opUtnum et hominem itnprobissimum esst 
diceres* eundtm tu et honoris eaussa appeUahas et virum primarium esse 
dicebas et socium fraudasse argucbas. 

98 pnusetuUtl proiu ferre is not often used of holding or carrying an 
actual thing or person in front of one, being more often applied to the 
open display of qualities or feelings, 9Aprae se ferre gaudium^ trislitiam^ 
eUnuntiam etc^ bat cp. Suet. Calig. i^praeuferens (in eurru) Darium , 
puerum* 

tuiai it should be remembered that tuli (tetult) is strictly the perfect 
of tolU bot is borrowed by /ero which has properly speaking no pexfect 
of its own: toUo uses for its perfect sustuli strictly a pexfect of the rare 
present tustoUo^ and the same peifect is also bonowed to serve as the 
perfect of suffero. The original stem of toUot vis- tal becomes by an 
casy and not nnoommon change of somid tla, whence the partidple 



XII 3i] NOTES. 71 

iiaius or by the dropping of the /, another eaqr ^^ocal changie» laims. 

Beginnen, if capable of surprise at any of the anomalies of grammart 

must often wonder at the confusion in this dass of verbs. 
31 comul\ 'in your position of consul* i i.e. as supreme magistrate of 

the State it is fitting Üiat you shonld pronounce an authoritatlTe decjsioa 

on the conduct of Üiese men. 
33 reliquoruml we say *and of the rest': in tnch enumeratioiis the 

Romans always omit the copuku 

quam vdis isse caussam] 'what you decide their case to be% Le. 4 

' what view you take of their case '• 

edomU crapiäam,.,exhala\ cp. Plaut Rnd. 586 edormiseam hone cra» 

piüam^ and for exhala^ cp. below, § 41 vini exhalamii and Venr« U* 3f 

a8 nondum,„crapulam txhalassenU 
33 fac€s\ apparently an allusion to soine trick of waking a person from a 

comatose condition by applying a brand. On the Continent wom-oat 

horses are still sometimes started on a journey by the application of fire» 

S81« 

P» 12« 4 cogiiaihtt€m,„suscipi\ 'address yourself for a moment to the 
reflection befitting a sober man': cp. Att. xiv. 10 % ^ quarris ui tusci* 
piam cogitationem quidttam istis a^ndum putem* 

7 nisi.„sini\ subjunctive, because the clause is 'suboblique' or subor« 
dinate to oratio obliqua confiteor eos.,Mse^ Kennedy § 190. The same 
explanation may possibly apply to the subjunctive sit in § 39 L 15. 

9 parricidas\ parridde was rcgarded by the Romans as a crime almost 
too heinous to be possible: cp. Rose. Am. § 62 quae (sceleris vestigia) 
nisi tnulta et thamfesta sunt^ profecto res tarn sceUsta^ tarn atrox^ ta>n 
nefaria credi non potest^ and § 70 where Cicero relates a tradition that 
Solon enacted no law against it because the possibility of such a crime 
never occurred to him. 

10 siqtUdeni[ 'if indeed': st quidem sometimes means 'since'but that 
would not make such good sense here. The murderers of Caesar are 
often called parricides, and Suetonius Caes. 88 says that itwas proposed 
to call the ides of Maxch parricidium 'the day of parricide'« 

suum] 'one's own*; referring to a general subjecL 

11 sapiens et eansiäerat€\ the same epithets are quoted by LS. from 
Pliny Pan. 44 § 5 considiratus ac sapiens i consideratus is properly 'well 
considered', used of plans or actions, then transferred to the persona who 



72 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XII 31 

plan or act, 'drcumspect'« 'thooghtful'. Our word 'considerate' de« 
noting a kindly regard for Übt feelings of otben b Bot parallel with the 
Latin. 

H parriddas\ supply oh^ 'if (yon say) that they are parricides*. 
HM. are hardly right in translating ^d dicis 'what do you call 
them?'; it should be *what do you say (that they are)?' Some Mss 
have farricuüut which may be right ; in that case supply nmi and trans« 
late ' what do you say? If they are parricides', &c. 

13 honoris caussd\ see note on § 30 1. 34 and the passage there quoted, 
tnhoc ordifu] in the Senate; apud pepulum Romanum in the con» 

tima or Speeches addressed to Üie Roman people in public aäembly. 

14 riferenU Ul 'on your proposition' : rrfan ad anatum^ to lay a pro« 
posal before the Senate. 

is iegibut est soitUus] 'was fireed from legal Obligation', 'absolved from 
the laws': the phrase Ugi^ sahen is used of exemption (rom the 
Operation ofa particular law, not ofoourse of all laws. 

si ab urbel M. Brutus was /n«/^ urbanus in 44, and as such was not 
allowed to quit the dty for more than ten days at a time. This restric- 
tion was probably arranged by the Licinian law of 367 B.c. when the 
urban praetorship was formally constituted. Brutus seems to have left 
Rome in April, cp. Att« xnr. 7, but it would appear from Att. xv. 9 
that formal leave of absence was first given him on the 5 June; in that 
case the permission to disregard the law must have been retrospective. 
Cassius was praetor qui iuter peregrinos ius dicit or briefly praetor pere* 
grinusy and though bis office was called an urbana prom$teia yet he was 
not strictly the praetor urbanus and was not bound to limit himself to 
ten days* absence from Rome. MM. 11. 179 n. 5. 

15 ludi Apo/tinares] these games were first instituted B.c. an as a 
means of profutiating Apollo and gaining his aid against the Carthagi- 
nians liv. xxv. la; in B.c* 308 the date of celebration was fixed on 
13 July (reading idus for nonas in liv. xxvii. 33): subsequently their 
duration was extended, and at this time they seem to have lasted from 
6 to 13 July. MM. VI. 480. They were presided over by the praetor 
urbanus^ thus afibrding an exception to the rule that the celebration of 
games was one of the duties of the aediia% 

isuredibüi M. Bruti hottore\ cp. Phil. I. 36 qui ludis suis ite^caruit, 
utiu illo apparatissimo speetaeulo Studium populus Homanus tribueret 
absentip desidirium liheratoris sui perpetuo plausu et elamore leniret» 
Brutus «s praetor urbamui ooght to have cdebiated the games in person, 



XII 32] NOTES. 73 

hence ludis suis above: ep. Phil. x. 7, 8; according to Appian B. C 
III, 93 they were celebrated in His stead by C Antoniusi the brother of 
Marcus. 

incredihili Jbftotr] ablative of attendant drcumstances« 
i5 pvoinaael on i June Crete was assigned to Brutus, Cyrene to 
Cassius, by the Ux Antonia dt permutatione premnaarum ; previoosly 
Macedonia had been destined by Caesar himself for Brutus, Syria for 
Cassius; and this had been confirmed by the Senate on 18 March* 

17 fuaestores\ a mililary quaestor accompanied each of the provincial 
praetors; his duties were mainly financial: as it was nsual for provincial 
govemors to have quaestors there would be no point in Qcero's stater 
ment of the iact that Brutus and Cassius had them: he must mean that 
they had more than the ordinary number, and this b implied by the 
Word adJitu 

Ugat0rum\ we do not know the number of these U£;aiii apparently a 
propraOor usually had one legate, MM. 11. 646 notes 1,9; Caesar had 
ten in Gaul, Pompey 94 (or 35?) in Asia. They were expected to be 
generally useful to the provincial govemor — quorum opera consüioqsu 
uUreiur peregre magistratus says Varro; they were mimstri imperü 
or muneris provincialis MM. 11. 650, 658; sometimes they were put 
in command of detachments of the provincial forces and sometimes 
exercised Jurisdiction. 

aique\ almostso/^«/ as in § i. Some editors prefer to read aiquu 

18 homicidas\ supply dicis eos esse as with parricidas above, 1. is, but 
here, as there, the nominative is found in some MSS. 

seqttüur ui /üeraiores'] if Hberaiores be accusative we must supply 
düas eos esse; but, if nominative, supply sintf unless indeed we should 
actually read liberatores sitU i$io, &c; some MSS have sifU after iudüio. 



§82. 

31 dtiunetiusl 'somewhat disjunctively', a logical term, cp. § 18 diiuncta 
aique contraria*, there is nothing wrong or unusual in the use of the 
comparative here. Translate freely 'but perhaps you fail to understand 
Statements that are more or less mutually exclusive'. In Acad. 11. 97 
Cicero gives out etiam atU twn 'either yes or no* as an instance of a 
disjunctive Statement. 

%% €<melusionis\ another logical term, 'asyllogism*, cp. Acad. Ii. 40, 
where an example of a umclusio is ^veai c^nclusionit is a kind of 



i t 



74 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XII 3a 

descriptiye genitive afler summa Uhis is my ultimate oonduskm'. 
Cicero's syllogism is as follows: — ^They must be either liberatort or 
parriddes : you aoqait them of crime (and so admit that they ■ are not 
parricides): therefore you judge them worthy (as liberators) of the 
highest rewards. 

94 rUex^l 'ondo', ^cancel', qp. Hör. Sat 11. 3. s Kriptarum puuqtu 
reUxms, The argoment is : — I have been tiying to show you that I was 
not an aocomplice or a confidant of the conspirators; I withdraw that 
line of argument now and am willing to be thought to hate had a share 
in so glorious a deed; I will write and teil them not to deny-my com- 
plidty if they are asked about it 

ui„.ne cui tugnU\ on the use of m/ im where the simple m would 
apparently be sofficient see Madvig Fin. 11. 15, Reid SolL 17. 

95 siin€\ notice 11/ in an indirect interrogation » ' whether '. 

96 cdtUum^ mascoline^ agreeing with me^ 'that I shovdd have been kept 
in ignonmce of it*. Translate 'for I fear that either my being kept in 
ignorance of the deed was not creditable to themselves, or that my 
having shirked when invited to partidpate Was most disgraceful to me*. 
With cilatum sapply mentally some sudi expression as hone nm or 
di hoc r€\ the two constnictions being allowable— «e/S^r katu rem or 
idardehacrt* 

a8 pro!\ this word may stand by itsclf as here, or may take an acca- 
sative (limited perhaps to the ynyAfideni). 

30 commendatiori followed by dative, in f i we had tommeHdaiionem ad 
impmdvU, 

31 €9HsUi soei€UUem\ cp. 95 S9cietait factu 



f 8S. 

p. 13* 9 fuid heaiiui\ fbr fmt beatwr\ the usual form of expression when 
the question is not asked with reference to actual persons; contrast LaeL 
4a quis clarior in Graeeia ThemistocU^ quü poUniicr where the meaning 
is 'who (Le. what actual historical personage) was more illastrious', Ac. 
3 reUgaios\ Antony's assertion that he had driven out the conspimtors 
is hardly correct It was rather the dread of populär resentment, in- 
flamed no doubt by Antony's harangues, that led them to leave Rome 
in ApriL [niq;aiiü b banishment by an arbitrary act» either exerdsed 
by a paUrfawUUas against bis son or slave or by a magistrate. In the 
Republic magistrates coold ooly legally expel pargrinu The action e.g. 



■■ ■■» - T-r-n - 



MiMl 



üi^Jd 



XIII 34] • NOTES. 75 

of Gabinius when he expelled the eques Lamia firom Rome was grosdy 
unconstitutionaL Qcero represents Antony as boasting that he had 
dealt with these persons as though they were not entitled to be icgiided 
as Citizens. J.S.R.] 

4 affari atque appetere\ 'welcome and court*s for the idea qp« MiL 
105 o terram iüam beatam quoi hunc virum txceperU* 

5 fut\»ut is, cp. Farn. xvi. 19 § 4 bellum paratum esi, eüumodi iama$ 
quodsustinen ilU nonpossU where quods^utid. 

7 quoi vero\ vero intiodoces the kst member of a series of intenoga- 
tionsy as dmiqui often does. 



§ 84. 

10 nonprohes\ 'not approve': Cicero nses thu in preference to improbes 
'disapprove' because it expresses the opposite of approval rather more 
forcibly: cp. twn inimict below, L 19. 

sifiiissem\ the context easily suggests some such addition ustx €9 
numero or ilUrum socius» 

13 siilus\ this means properly a sharp pointed instrument (for sttg^ius 
'a sticker*) and usually denotes an instrument for writing on wax 
tablets, 'a pen', but it seems to have been occasionally used of a 
dagger, and Cicero here puns on the two senses. M. quotes Hör. Sat. 
II. I. 39 sed hie slilus haud petei nitro \ quemquam animaniem et tne 
veluH custodiet ensis \ vagina tectus^ where the commentators refer to 
Cic. Cluent 113 »^ censorium sHlum cutus muerotiem multis remedtis 
tnaiores nostri rettuderunt aequeposthac atque illum dictatorium gUuUum 
pertimescamus* It is curious that this meaning should not be noticed 
in LS. 

13 actum] jcp. Hör. A. P. 189 neve minor neu sit quinto productior actu 
\fdbula quae posci voll et spectanda reponi^ where see Wilkins' note. 
Cicero regarded three as the normal number of acts in a play, Q. F. i. 
x§i6. 

15 es^ contrast § 39 si.,,voluisse interfiei Caesarem crimen sit; in the 
present passage the clause is not intended by the writer to be any way 
subordinate, hence he uses the indicative. 

16 Narbone] Narbo Martius, Narbonne, founded by L. Licinius Crassns 
in Z18. 

Trebonio] cp. above, § 17. This took place at the time of Caesar*« 
ntum tom Spam in July or August 4$ (.FiacherV 



76 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECÜNDA. [XIII 34 

17 tum i$Uirficereiur\ this clause is treated as subordinate to the main 
danse vidimus U uxfacari^ hence the mood. 

18 uoocaril Plutarch Ant 13 says the conspiraton appomted some of 
their number to engage Antony in eamest conversation outside the 
senat^ house when Caesar entered it. 

19 noH iHimia] the reverse of inimiei h expressed more fordbly thus 
than by amia 'how iar from onfriendly*: cp^ nonproba in 1. lo. 

«I virum res illa qttainbtU\ notice the rhetorical skill with which Cicero 
leads up to this onexpected and scathing taunt. 

f 86. 

a« illud Casnanum\ cp. Rose* Am. 84 Z. Cassius ilU quem populus 
Romanus verissimum et sapUnHssimum iudieem putabai identidem in 
caussis quaerere soiebai cm bono fuerU\ Mil. 31. L. Cassius Longinus 
Ravilla, tribune in 137, proposed the lex Cassia taMlaria^ which intro- 
duced voting by ballot in the criminal oourts. He was consul in la/. 
€ui bonofuirit is litcrally Tor whom will it have been for a good thing' 
or briefly 'for whose advantage will it be': bano is predicative datiye. 

94 servire\ *to be in bondage', Le. to Caesar. 

a5 aedem Opis] the temple of Saturn and Ops, in which was placed the 
public treasury, aerarium^ to the Contents of which Antony had helped 
himself. Ops was the wife of Satumus, and Varro says prmeipes Dd 
in Laiio Satumus ä Ops, This temple was situated near die foot of the 
Capitol at the end of the Forum and almost opposite the Temple of 
Concord. Eight of its columns with entablatnre architrate and frieze 
still remain; they are depicted in Bum's Rome and the Campagna, 

PP- 93» 99« 

per Msdem iakUasI *by means of the same account boolcs\ Le. the 

books relating to the money deposited in the treasury, cp. %^^ubiest 

s^tiens miüens qudd est in tabuUs quae sunt od Opisf 
«9 quaestuosissima oßeind\ *a most lucrative manufactory*. 
30 immunitatiumi 'grants of immunity' from various fiscal burdens, 

pnrporting to be granted by Caesar; these forged documents were 

pnichased fiom Antony by townships desiring to possess them« , 

§8«. 

33 €99Utiriatus'\ Cicero pretends to discem an expression of anxiety 
in AntoDy^s iace: thii is of coiirse a mere rhetorical derice^ all the 



rSSSSiSiSam*Kkiä^^k 



XIV 37] NOTES. n 

more noticeable u the speech wu never deliTered; cp. | 31 «mm» 
€OHturb0 tet 

subHmes\ 'hate you any lurking fear?' Qcero is fond of Compound- 
ing woid$ with sub. This Compound ii not quoted from elsewhere» 

§ 87. 

p» 14« 7 casird\ Cicero spent soroe time in Pompey's camp at Dyrra« 
chium in the early sammer of 48 before the decisive battle of Phamlus. 

8 mium consilium auctoritasque\ cp. Att viii. 3 § 3 nihil actum esi a 
Pompeio nostro sapienUr^ nihil fortUer^ addo äiam^ nihil nisi contra can^ 
silium auctoritatcmquc mcam, written in Feb. 49. Cicero was opposed 
to Pompey's leaving Italy and thought that he should have accepted any 
condition rather than thus abandon his country; he was anxioos to take 
upon himself the office of peacemaker between Caesar and Pompey, bat 
as he sadly says, Att. viii. ix § 9 'neither of them makes otir happiness 
his aim, each wishes to reign' 

9 tu hodic <geres\ Cicero is perhaps thinking of the strüts to which he 
and Pompey were reduced at the time in question, cp. Att. XI. 3 § 3 
egeo rebus Omnibus^ quod is (Pompeius) quoque in angustiis est quicum 
sufiius^ and viii. 1 § 3 written in Feb. 49 vagamur egentes cum coniugi" 
bus et liberis, 

13 maestitia] Cicero's despondency is attested by Pktarch, Cic 38 
aMs fiip dyiXoffTos del wepiiCjp ii^ r^ ffTparowiStfi Kcd aKvdpunritf and by 
the tone of his letters to Atticus written from the camp, especially Att. 
XI. 2 and 4 me conficit sollicitudo, ex qua etiatn sumnta itifirmitas cor^ 
poris 'I am being wom out by anxiety, which has produced extreme 
ph3rsical weakncss*. 

quant<i\ for the Omission of in cp. § 17 1. 13. 

17 manetts] equivalent to si maueret ^ to which implied protasis conßcerei 
is the apodosis; so too liberaret is the apodosis to the protasis si dimii* 
teretur implied in the participle dimissa* 

angüribus] the plural suggests fits er periods of anguish ; so used in 
Off. II 2, where too the same verb conficere is used nee nu angtribut 
dedidi quibus essem cmfectus nisi eis resHtissem, 

18 praestantissimos] according to Appian B. C. II. 81 no less than 10 
Senators and 40 equites feil on Pompey's side in the battle of Pharsalos. 
Caesar reckons Pompey's total loss at 15,000. He states his own loss to 

'have been 30 centurions and aoo rank and file. 



■-•• a^ m^jm^ 



78 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XIV 37 

iumina rnpMicae\ so in Balb. 54 the Scipiot äre calied du0 lumma 
nostri imperi^ cp. below, § 51 1. la. 
9s quamms,„pa€is\ 'on however unfavourable terms of peace*, q). Att. 

VII, 13 a § 1 11/ enim alia omitUun dtcem annarum peccaia quai cmdido 
UMM kuic fngai praaiitUt VII. 14 § 3 epudem ad pacem hortari wm 
disino^ quoi vel iniusia utüiar est quam iHStissimum Mium cum civibus: 

VIII. II § 6 m€a quoi itmperfuerü senUniia^ pnmum de pact vel iniqua 
cüudidone retinenda,„metmnisee te arbüror, These extiacts senre to 
show the eamestness of Cicero's desire for peaoe. 

93 rem publuam'\ *our free Constitution*: Caesar and Antony had in 
Qcero's view all but destrojred the true 'republic'. 

§88. 

34 ei] the leaders of the epiimates headed by Pompey. 

35 uialia omittam\ i.e. 'not to speak of other advantages that would 
have ensued'. 

97 a/ vero] introducing an objection of Antony. 

30 de summa re pubUed] 'about the highest interests of the state': the 
expression summa respubUca is not uncommon, cp. Cat. I. 14, Sest. 34, 
&C. Sometimes we find summa reipublicae^ where summa is a feminine 
Substantive» as in Plane 53. 

31 consududitu amicitiael 'friendly intercourse*. 

33 €g9, quid ille\ that is ego videbam quid ille sentiret et spe€tarä\ these 
Terbs are readily supplied by the reader firom the corresponding verbs in ' 
the foUowing clause: so in the next sentence eonsulebam has to be 
supplied with ego firom the foUowing eonsulebat, This kind of ellipse is 
fully illustrated by Draeger Hist. Synt i*, p. 315 who quotes Ov. Her. 
XIII. 40 ipsa naoas tßestes, dura vir arma/erat. 

p. 15« 9 habebat quid uqueretur] * knew what he was foUowing', * knew 
what his aim was' ; in such a phrase habere has almost the force of sarei 
slightly diflerent is habebat pted sequeretur 'had something to foUow', 
'had a definite aim*. The distinction is clearly expressed by Holden 
on Cic Off. II. 7: cp. DiT. Caec. 10 ut in eeustituindo aceusatore quid 
sequi passitis habeatis* 

5 de PharsaHafygdl 'immediately after the flightfinom Fharsalus'» 
almoit cquivalent to 'in the flight &om PharBalus' j cp. the common 



IW^^^WS" 



^p 



XV 39] NOTES. 79^ 

phrase de nocU ' from niglit ', meaniDg almost tbe same u oar *at night* : 
dt marks the starting-point of an action either in space or in time«- 
Pharsältis*was a town in Thessaly, now called Fersala, abont 35 miles 
south of TArissa. [The adjective Pkarsalius is doubtful in Cicero; 
either read Pharsalica or Pharsalo^ in the latter case taking^i/^ closely 
vriilL/ersecuH sunt. J.S.R.] 

Pa^Aum] alter the battle of Pharsalus Pompey prooeeded to Mace* 
donia, embarked at Amphipolis and sailed to MytUene; thence he 
journeyed by land to Cilicia and crossed over to Paphus in Cypms. 
From Cypms he intended to go to Antioch, but, leaming that the 
inhabitants would not receive hixn, he sailed to Pelusium in Egypt. He 
had no sooner stepped out of the boat that conve3red him from the ship 
to the shore than he was mordered by Achillas, one of the offioen of 
king Ptolemaeus, and L. Septimius, a Roman tribone who had lerved 
under him in the pirate war. Caes. B. C in. loa — 104« 

7 vidisse pltts\ 'had shown greater foresight*. 

8 //] introducing an indignant questipn, 'and then*: so in { 51 
et tu, „contra me dieere ausus es; § iio et tu in Caesarü memorim 
diligenst 

9 sectorem] q>. Phil. Xlll. 30 utrum tgitur aequius, utrum melius rei 
publieae fiiit Cn, Pompeium an sectorem Cn. Pompei vivere Antomunt f 
The term sector is used of one who purchases at a sale of confiscated 
property, qui bona publica mercatur, Pompey's property was confiscated 
by the State and put up to auction. 

1 1 iocis'l a few of Cicero's caustic remarks are given by Plutarch Cic. 38. 
Antony seems to have reproached Cicero with joking at a time of great 
trouble and distress, to which Cicero replies that such relaxation b 
harmless and agreeable to the*impulses of human nature. In a letter to 
Curio Farn. ii. 4 written in 53 he expresses himself difierently and 
perhaps less wisely, ioceme tecum per litteras f civem nuhercule nonpuU 
esse qui temporibus his ridere possit, 

II quideml concessive, 'it is true', followed as is usual by an adverw 
sative clause. 

13 verum tamen... tarnen] verum tarnen correlates with the Virtual!/ 
concessive clause erant quidem,„curae 'true, that camp was fuU 
of anxiety, yet notvathstanding ' &c.: then the second tamen corw 
relates with the second subordinate concessive clause quamvis mi 
turbidis rebus sint 'in however harassed a Situation they may be» 
yet*^tc. 



8o ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. pCV 3g 

14 n modo kffmina nmi\ *\£ onlj they have any human feeling': cp. 
the wdl-known line Memo sum^ humam nihil a mi aiienum /tUa. 
iniirdumi 'allow themselves occasional mental relaxatkm *• 

§40. 

18 henditateml 'you hate denied that any inheritance comes to me's 
the taunt implies that Qcero's contemporaries dld not lespect him 
tufficiently to leave him anything in their wills. See M*s note» 

90 amplius sesiertium ducentiim] 30,000,000 sesterces, nearly jf 170,000. 
On the amount received by Cicero by inheritance cp. Prof. Tyrrell» 
Correspondence of Cicero i. In^rod. p. xxxvüi. folL ; he regards the 
Statement in the text as a *rhetorical hyperbole'; Fonyth, Life of 
Cicero p. 66 foU. It was no uncommon thing for wealthy Romans to 
leave large bequests to their friends, and Gcero as a populär and 
successful advocate was particularly fortunate in this respect. 

«I accipium ratuli] 'entered as received*; cp. note on § ii end. 

«s in koe genere\ 'in such matters'; lit. *in this dass ' of things ; the 
defining genitive is very frequently omitted tHer^HUS, 

«3 «/] 'so that', 'the result being that': this seems to be the force of 
the M/ in a disputed passage of Horace, Ep. il. 2, 87 fitUir erat Romcu 
coHsulH rhetüTf ut aiter aUtrius strmont meros atidiret honons 'there 
were two brothers at Rome, one a rhetoridan, the other a lawyer, the 
result being that the one heard nothing but compliments firom the mouth 
of the other '• I believe the passage to be free firom corruption, but see 
Profi Wilkins' note. Cp. bdow § 73 f/ daleremus* 
siquodera^ ' whatever it was ', 'such as it was'* 

«5 L. HuMus] mentioned again in Sl 74» 103 : nothing fiurther b known 
ofhim. 

Casinas] of Cannum, a town in Latium. Here was afterwards 
foonded the monasteiy of Monte Canno by St Benedict» A.D. 539 (M). 

§«. 

^ alius aUmi\ 'whether he was white or bhck': a prorerbial way of 
speaking, implying that nothing is known of a person; see examples in 
LS.t s. ▼• *aibus\ Obsenre that the disjunctive formula ' whether... or' 
is here expressed merely by the addition of the enditic im to the second 
member of the disjunction ; thb usage is rare» Draeger li*. 466 quotes 
three other instanoes finom Qcero. 



'/ 



XVI 42] NOTES. 8] 

97 Q> F^ß\ wtaL^\itf ßliumi nothing is known of him. Rubrins posiec 
over bis nephew and the son of Fufius, both of wbom bad snperioi 
cUiims to bis property« in favoor of Antony. 

98 sui\ genitive after amicissimi 'a very great (riend of bimself *— or ai 
we sbould say, 'of bis own*. 

quem„/a€iüarai\ 'wbom in public be bad alwaya givea out a 

bisbeir*. 
39 nominai\ very probaUy Cicero wrote notmnavit, cp. prcuteriii a» 

fecit. J.S.R. 
^ nisi mol€stum es/] for tbe indicatiTC, cp. 8 «4 1. lo « vilim repnkm 

dasy XI poUs, Tbe phrase is a formtüa of mock politeness, cp. Acad« 1 

14 (Reid); 'if I am not troubling you too mucb*. 
31 Z. Turselius\ an unknown person, mentioned again in f 103. 

P« 16« 9 tampiam\ this and tamguam si are used indifierently; cp. 
106 tamquam si esset (consul), 

§42. 

3 admiratus sum\ 'I was surprised ' : even in modern Englisb the won 
'admire' is sometimes used in this sense, as by Dickens, "Mrs Chid 
admires that Edith sbould be by nature such a perfect Dombey **. 

4 heredU<üum\ this and hereditatium appear to be admissible formi 
of the genitive. 

5 pairisl cp. the speech concocted by Dio Cassius XLV. 18 — ^47 rocTa 
pow tCj» likv iKtlvov xfiVf^'''^^ oüf^ iK\T^p:>p6tifiaep, SXX<a¥ 8i ^17 koI rdpi 
roXKodt, roi)t lUif ii^fr ISdp /iiqT <Lcou<rat viinrore, tovs 9i Kai PV9 ivi 
^uyras (47); cp. XLVI. 14. Antony's father was far too generoos foi 
the small means at bis disposal and bad to be kept in check by bis mon 
frugal wife, Plut Ant. i. 

non adisses] adire hereditatem is the usual phrase for 'to enter on* 01 
'take possession of an inheritance'. \non adisses hereditatem *refused 
to accept the inheritance ' absolutely implies that Antony weu made hcii 
by his father. But tbe hereditas being damnosa^ the liabilities betng 
more than the assets, Antony declined, thus fixing on bis father tbe 
Stigma of bankruptcy. Roman feeling required that every saciifice 
sbould be made by the heir to aveit this disgrace — see an interesting 
letter of Pliny ii. 4. Cicero only means to imply that Antony was dead 
to the ordinary sentiment about family honour; be sbowed it too by 
wbat is mentioned in § 44. J.S.R.] 



82 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XVII 42 

7 in alUna tnUd[ the villa of Q. Metellus Scipio, who was Pompey'« 
iather-in-law» and bis colleague in the consnlshlp of 53: cp. Farn. xii. 
a f I cum in viüa Met tili compluris dia commmiaius isset; qua 
autem,. .in vino eommentatio potuit esu t 

8 exAaianäi} cp. § 30 1. 33 : there are some indications that this word 
shoold be q>elt without the A. 

10 suffragio,.,rhäonm\ cp. f 8 honto distrU^ ui Tironi ä Musteloi iam 
iSH viäeris. 

1 1 cmmno] 'by all mcfins' nsed concessively : 'a witty man no doabt'. 
1 3 dicta dicerel ' to utter wittidsms ' ; this is a common meaning of äict{h 

cp. Plane 85 admonuisii etiam, quoä in Cretafiiissa^ dictum aliquodin 
^iiioncm tuam dicipotmise* 

dicere] what grammarians call an epexegetic infinitiTC» foUowing the 
sabstantive matcria, and eqaivalent to a genitive case: Cicero might 
bave written matcria dictorum dicendorum (or dietftdi)^ cp. Ixfjt I. 39. 
matcriam excitandi belli guoirebeti* This kind of infinitiTe is not com- 
mon; R. § 1360, Draeg. ii*. § 445. 
13 eafotn\ M. Antonios bom 143, consol 99, slain in the proscription of 
the adherents of 3ulla by Marius and Cinna 87. See Brut. 139—143 
for Cicero's judgement of him as an orator. 

M€9uim\ *wiih deliberation' opposed to cursim *glibly'. 

§48. 

16 du^ milia iugeruml if we reckon a iufferum as f ths of an acre— a 

slightly exaggerated estimate — ^this wonld amoont to 1350 acres« 
x7 Leoutini\ the town of Leontini, now Lentini, was sitoated between 
Catana and Syracuse; the land was Tery fertile and was a pari of the 
domain land (publicus cfger) of the Roman people. 
it quidem] 'and that too*. 
x8 tanta mercede] *at such a cost* to the Roman people. 

niAilsaperil cp. 1 19 L 9. 
so clio hcd\ % loi* 

93 imcndator» et carrectore\ Cicero likes to join these words; cp. Balhp 
00 corredorem aique emendatorem nostnu civitatis; Acad. z. 13 recentis» 
nma quaequi sunt correcta et emcndata maximc; Leg. IIL 30 cmendari 
et eorrigi (sola eivitae) cmtinemtia; so too Tac Hist. !• 38 cattra emen* 
4aia et cerrectOf and other writers. 

94 efumdam\ *I will not squander all my irguneaW« 



mmmm^mmmmmm 




XVIII 44] NOTES. 83 



SM. 

98 a^u/v] *from boyhood': Caes. B. G. iv. i has a ftarüt and Gc* 
Arch. 4 ix puerist a solitaiy instancei which may be compared with tha 
Greek in ral8i». 

sü, opimr\ 'that, I thinlc, is the way*: in coUoquial Latin, snch as 
this is here, sie was sometimes used almost in the sense of 'yes'* 

99 praetextatum\ while still a youth, wearing^ the toga praeUxta^ I.e. a 
toga with a purple fringe or edge: this was exchanged at an age which 
cannot be definitely fixed, varying from the i5th to the i/th year» fiar 
the toga virilis (see below) the assumption of which marked an im- 
portant epoch ip the life of the Roman youth and corresponded aome- 
what to our ' Coming of age*. The purple broidered lobe wom by the 
higher magistrates was also called toga praetexta^ 

90 tUcoxisse] properly 'to boil away', hence used in sense o( 'fritter 
away', 'squander*, and so the word acquired the special sense 'to ntn 
through one*s property*» 'become bankrupt*. 

ista'\ iste here retains its ordinary sense^ see note on § 8 L 10: 'that 
fault of which you (Cicero) speak '• 

31 et€nifn\ *and indeed'. 

pietatis] *filial afTection'; this is of course ironical. 
iilud] notice the Omission of the Substantive verb fst or erat; this is 
very common in short dauses of this nature, especially when they contain 
the pronouns ille or hie* 

33 quattuordecim ordinibus\ the front fourteen rows in the theatre were 
appropriated by the lex Roscia, carried by the tribune L. Roscius Otho^ 
B.c. 67» to the equitesy the orchestra seats being assigned to the Senators« 
liis enactment probably only restored an old custom, cp. Mur. 40 
equestri ordini restituit non solum dignitatem ted etiatn voluptatem, 
If Antony was bom in 83 he was 16 at the passing of this law, and 
it does not seem likely that a boy of this age who had not yet assumed 
the toga virilis would be expected because of his youthful extravaganoe 
to take his seat among the dedared bankrupts (dteoctores)» 

33 guamvis\ 'however much'» not quite the same as quampiam 
'although'. 

P« 17« I virilem togam] the toga of manhood, sometimes called ioga 
pura because piain and unadomed, assumed by young Romans at about 
the age of 16; see above. 



84 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XVIII 44 

« Curio\ see note on g 3 1* 16. At an earlier period Curio had been 
held in high esteem by the opHmaiiSt and by Cicero in particular, who 
addressed several letters to him Farn. II. 1—7, bat that was before 
B. c 50, in which year Caesar purchased his adherence by the pajment 
of his debtSy a transaction to which Lucan refeis in the well-known line 
wMntntumpuJuit mtUaiut CurU nntm (Phars. IV. 793—834); cp. Att« 
VI. 3 § 4. 

tttUrvenü\ *appeared on the scene'. 

§45. . . 

4 paier\ C. Scribonius Curio; sce note on § 11 L 94. 

domu\ an admissible form of the abhitive, though domo b more 
common: äcmu sua u the reading of the best ms in Verr. II. 5. laS. 
6 m€rc€de\ *pay': because Curio, in spite of his father's wishes, was 
unwilling to for^^o hb intimacy with Antony'and used to make him 
presents of money. 

demiiterere\ almost in middle sense, Met yourself down'. 

10 te\ this, not //, must be the right reading. The younger Curio 
besought Cicero to defend Antony against the elder Curio, in case the 
latter should sue Antony for the 6,000,000 sesterces, roughly speaking 
;f 50,000» that hb son who was still under the patrta potaias had impro- 
perly advanced tohim: the ytw^peUn points to a process of law, and 
cannot be referred to a merely private request. J.S.R. 

11 iniereasisse\ 'to such an extent did he say that he had pledged his 
credit on your behalT; cp. Att VL i g 5 ascribii,„inttreasUi€ a pro 
eis tnagnam p^cmUäm, 

13 ofnon ardeHs\ * in hb passionate affection for you *. 
cottfirmahtU\ *assured me*. 

äisidirium im tUseuU\ 'the pain of Separation from you*; lit. the 
yeaming for you of (i.e. caused by) your Separation from bim. 

§46. 

15 ßonHiisHmaifmmliai\famiUa b not used here in the restricted sense 
so common in English of the members, parents and children, forming a 
smgle household, but in the wider sense in which we sometimes use it, 
as when we say *he belongs to the £unily of the Howards*. The young 
Cuiio, hb father and hb grandfather, were all men of mark and ability, 
q>. Hin« N. H. vii. 41 mtafamiiia Curiwum in pta tra ioniitma 



XIX 48] . NOTES. 85 

17 praniiiuml we should omit this in translating and render 'a jonth of 
the highest promise in spirit and natural gifU': q>. Off. L 74 ^ magmit 
OHtmis ingemisqiUt VelL Fat* IX. iis S 7 mira pruvitüii animi ütgmt 
ingenL 

18 facuUaiibus\ if the text be sound, which I doubt, Joaütaühu is 
instrumental ablative going with ndinuni 'redeem (from bondage to 
you) by drawing on bis household resources*. [Dr Reid suggests a rd 
famiUaris dißcultaiibui *from bis domestic embarrassments', remarking 
tbat the context leads us to expect a Statement of that /rom which Corio 
was rescued, not a tarne repetition of the idea already expressed in mt 
olienum dissolverei,'\ 

90 quos vidgmus} in reading these graphic touches remember that the 
Speech was never delivered, q>. 36 msdo quid eonturkUut etti viderü. 

§47. 

95 verccuftdol 'modest': niodeitus very seldom admits of being trans* 
lated 'modest ', never in Gceronian latin. 

97 perstringam\ 'touch on\ 

99 festinat animus] cp. Phil. I. 3 a/ sin^lare enim M* Antoni factum 
festinai oratio, 

30 ut facitis] * as you are doing '; another graphic touch, compare the 
famous touch in Verr. 11. 4. 5 sed earum artifuetn — quem? quemnamt 
rede admones; Polycletutn esse diccbanty which is often referred to by 
later writers. facere here represents attente audire i for a harsh instance 
of this use oi facere cp. Caes. B. G. vii. 49 Aristium„,ex oppida 
educunt; idem facere cogurU eos quL,M constiterant ^hittt facere ^exirt 
ex oppido which has to be supplied from the previous ex oppido edueuni* 

39 incidamusi 'cut short': for the parenthetic opinor accompanyipg the 
concessive subjunctive cp. Reid on Acad. 11. 99. 

§48. 

P« 18« I qui[ the antecedent of qui is of course the subject of erat, i.e. 

Antonius. Clodius was tribune in B.c. 58. 
9 eius^ *Antony was the torch that kindled all the conflagrationa 

fomented by Qodius '• 
3 quiddam\ what the 'something* was Cicero does not expre^ly State, 

merely adding that Antony would understand the reference. No doubt 

he refers to some intrigue with Clodius' wife, Fulvia, whom Antony 



86 ORATIO PHIUPFICA SECUNDA.^ [XIX 48 

afterwards marricd. At the end of 58»' fearing to be implicated in 
the downfall of Clodius and pressed by his crediton, he proceeded 
to Greece bat was invited thence by Gabinius, the proconsnl of Syria, 
who gave him a command. Plat Ant. 9, 3. 

4 iUr AUxandr€am\ it is not clear whether iUr vi nöminative or acca« 
saüve, that is, whether the sappressed verb is erai or fecit\ the 
question is immaterial, and possibly Cicero himself had not the dis« 
tinction dearly present to hb mind when Mrriting. AUxandream is the 
aocusative alter the idea of 'motion towards' implied by iUr^ cp. 
Facuviiis X. (aa) 173 (Ribbeck Trag. fmgm.)i nam solus Danais hie 
domum itumem dedU, so too Cic. Div. i. 68, and Caes.~B. G. I. 5 
damum reditionism It was appansutly in 55 that Antony went to 
Alexandria. 

contra senaitu auctoriiatem'] Ptolemy Auletes had been forced by 
populär discontent to quit his kingdom and had to come to Rome, 
where proposals were made that he should be restored by force of arms, 
bat the Senate reinsed to aid him. At last Ptolemy tried to induce 
Gabinius, who was in Syria, byan enormoas bribe to espoase his caase; 
Antony anxious to distinguish himself joined his entreaties, and Gabinius 
then consented, ico/roc rvi^ *2»fuUup rijp iviK9vpla9 dr^^^/iiptap sajrs 
Dio XXXIX 55 ; the law too forbade provincial govemors to quit their 
provinces or undertake war without special authorisation, Dio xxxix. 
56. But Gabinius no doubt acted under the direction of the triumvirs, 
Fompey, Crassus and Caesar. Momms. iv. 159 folL 

5 räigi0nis\ according to the superstitious Dio the Sibyl forbade the 
restoration of Ptolemy, and the Gods showed their displeasure after the' 
erent by a great inundation of the Tiber: cp. Farn. I. i and 9 where 
Cicero speaks of the religious objection (reUgto). 

6 quieum..,poss€(\ the precise shade of meaning intended is not clear, 
but the general sense is evident, that Cicero considered them both bad 
characters and well suited to each other. The year after this Cicero 
defended Gabinius on a chaige of extortion. 

foss€(\ consecutive subjunctive in relative clause. 

7 pti,„rediiusf\ cp. 76 qui ver» Narbom reditust 

Gaüiam] Antony not venturing to retnm home hastened to Caesar in 
aorthem Gaul after the second expedition to Britain, towards the end 
of 54« The verb rißdOi or something ümilar may be easily suppliedt 

inml before the con6scations (HM.), 
10 d»mttmdicüf}ep*iitittctk%t$h^ 



.XX so] NOTES. 87 

XX Misenum\ q>. Att x« 8 end, xiv, «o § 9; Antonj appeut to liave 
had an ettate there. 

Sisa^ofum] a town in Spain where were some xed lead mines woiked 
by companies (spcuiaiei). The usual explanation of this obscore pasage 
18 that Cicero here implies that Anlony'i crediton occupied Miimnm 
jointly with himself, as though it were some meicaatiie conoem in 
vhich they had shares: cp. § 73. 

§49. 

13 venisfi] in B.C. 53. 

14 ^arenUm] on his arrival from Gaul, Antony hurried at once to Cicero 
to secure his infloence in his candidature for the qnaestorship before 
paying a visit to his mother Julia, who probably lived at Misennm. 

15 «/] tueeperam lUteras implies a request, hence the use of «/• 

satis ßen\ *that I should allow satisfaction to be rendered me by 
you', i.e. that I should accept your expression of regret for past 
pffences: — no doubt in reference to Antony*s intimacy with Clodini, 
cp. § 48. 

17 sum cultus\ notioe Omission of ego^ which might be thought requisite 
to bolance the following tu a nu^ 

18 P. Chdium] cp. above § si. 
S3 demiror] ' I cannot imagine '. 

S5 quantquafn„,graiiam'\ Cicero means, my reason for not exhorting 
you to slay Clodius was that if you persisted in the design I preferred 
that the deed should be set down to your credit rather than to my 
infiucnce. 

§50. 

37 situsenaius eonsuiio] apparently a senatorial decree was first passed 
that certain of the twenty quaestors should be appointed to such 
provinces as required a quaestor to assist in their administration ; the 
assignment of the particular province to the particular quaestor was then 
made by lot, sortii cp. MM. 11. 501 1 note i; Cic Verr. Ii. x. 34 
quaestor ex se$tatus eonsulto sortitus es. 

•38 sifte tegel without any special enactment ratified by the people* 

adCaesarem\ Att Vi. 6 Fompeius„.Q. Cassium si$u tortt del^^ 
Caesar Antonium» 

«9 perditis vitae ratwn%bus\ 'when all means of livelihood were sqnan« 
dered*. 



88 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XX 50 

31 Jt hoe est txpUril *if that ii glatting youneir, (appropriating) a thing 
only to fling it away again directly'. A verb hat no doubt been 
lost after expierei Faemos followed by Hlii. soppliet Jkautin, Dr 
Reid wagge^ türien, othen eripen or corripere^ 

39 tribunatum\ Antony entered on hi$ office as tribone 10 Dec. 50, cm 
the 93rd he delivered a ipeech containing a violent tirade agamst 
Pompey, q>. Att vii. 8 § 5 MaMamut auiem in moHtbut Antani 
C9nti99um hoHtam X. KaU Januar,^ in fua erat aeeutati» Fompä usqm 
a iogapura. 

33 viri im} Curio» whom Sttetonius calls vioUniissimus iribunorum^ 
Caes. 99. 

P« 19t % domestieum decsu] * the decenqr of private life '• 

3 id'€t/] *ot rather', used* correctively» for which see Reid on 
Acad. I. 5» 

4 fecerif\ M. suggests fecU : had Cicero pnt the verb at the end of the 

fixst clause directly after i$UemperanUr the definiteness of the words ea 

quoi 'thosethings ndiich' woald probably have led him to write ficUt 

but as the sentenoe goes on this precision vanishes and ae€ipiie,.,quai„^ 

fecirit becomes eqoivalent to * I will teil you what he has done', in a 

sentence of which kind the sabjanctive woald be usual: cp. Att. vii. 
13 § 3 qui sirmofiurii it quid actum sit teribam ad te. 

§51. 

6 Kai. /an.] B. c. 49. 

8 C, Caesan\ it was on this day that Curio handed to the new consuls 
Caesar's letter, wherein he offered to disband bis anny if Pompey would 
likewise disband bis. Many thought that Caesar's overtnres should be 
accepted» bat the Senate overawed by Pompey and bis troops finally 
dedded that Caesar shoald be compelled to give way« Caes. B. C« 1—6» 
Momms. iv. 376. 

9 tmancipatumi cp. Hon Epod. IX. 9 imandpatus femüiae^ Reid on 
Gc. Sen. § 38. Translate 'sold and enslaved to Caesar'; in § 59 
Cicero speaks of Antony's vendita atque addicta sententia* 

10 €ervica\ the singalar €irvix does not occnr in Cicero. 
uaml the decice mentioned in the next sentence. 

13 iddecnvitl the form of the decree was dinioperam conndts praämra 
tribuni plibit qtäqui pf iotuuiibus sint ad urbem m quid ra pubtica 
dOrimtnti tapiai Cme». B. C l. 5 and 7. This took place 00 7 Jan. 49. 



5a] NOTES. 89 

jT fMm iMe§lumi\ 'and thit too befcie it lad lofiacd ly loaci ' ; 
dUi b BBorc deariy explained bj the Collowing daaie ■pw/arw Ac^ 

AB»ÄM*ia] cp. § 37 1. 1«. 
ij knUm tögatuml * a dtizen eneiiij* as oppoted to a fixe^ cnenj. 

Gacs. B. C L 7 sajt that wbenerer this decree had becn paned bdbie 

k had been factum m pemioMS Ugiku^ im vi irOmmidm, im mmtimt 

/tf m / i Umplis lacitqui edUidrihu oecupoHs. 

14 d\ introdudng an indignant qaestioo, q»> tt 39^ iiow 

16 ifidiaUui\ sopply esus (tom the picceding estem. 

tpmfmmüraii^l 'menüoa' here as eUewbere oppoaed to mtimsrid 
'recoUection*. 

19 iniereessiol Antony as tribane interposed bis Teto tbreü or fonr times 
a^idnst tbe resolution of the Senate that Caesar shoold givü .np bis 
provinces and disband bis army, bat the intercession was disallowed bf 
the consttl Lentnlus, Dio xli. s, Plat. Ant. 5, App. B. C. 11. 33 ; q». 
Caes. B. C» l. 5 me tribunis pUbu tut pericuU dipmandi meqtu tiiam 
ixtnmi iuris inUnationt retintndi quod L* SuUa rüiqutrmi faaiiUu 
iribuitur. 

§62. 

90 eupidi\ * with party spirit*: instances of a like meaning in cupidus^ 
cupiditat art oollected by Holden on Cic. Plane. 43. 

91 aduituitu] Antony was about 34 at the time: unus is notstrictly 
corroct» as Q. Cauius Longinus joined wIth Antony in bis Intervention. 

13 ittum ßpl agin cum aliquo dt aliqua n is to treat with a person 
about somethinjj^, to discuss it with bim in the hope of Coming to some 
agraemontt Antony would not enter iato any such dissussion. 

14 nisi Hi tfdlis] 'except that you should not desire'» 'except the 
frustration of your desire*. 

t6 frequim] *crowded\ The senate at this time probably consisted of 
from 500 to 600 members; we read of 417 being piesent at a meeting in 
B. C. 57, and of 39s at a meeting in 50, the magistrates (44 in number) 
being in each caso exduded. Willems» Le S^nat de la R^publique 
Romaine x* 405. 

vmdiia iUqui addietd\ *sold and surrendered' Le. to Caesar, cp. 
«bov« 1 51 vetulitum aiqui mumcipatum tribunatumx addictut is used of 
A debtor wbo is giren over in bondage to bis creditor. 
«8 V0imus\ the decree mentioned above dtnt operam cmsuia &c« 
50 impifiit iipUi$tMi^m\ tbe power is put for tbe person ezercising it« 

P. P, ^ 



go ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXI s« 

as sometiiiies In English when we tpeak of *Uie powert that be*, q>. 
Lake zu. ii« 'and when they bring yoa nnto the i jmagopies and nnto 
magistrates and powen*. The disUnction between im^erUs and ^a» 
iatibus maj perhapt be represented bj 'militaiy and civil powen', 
thongh it mnst be remembered that/a^kite# oonld be nsed of military as 
well as civil powen. 
31 €9niidusa\ the two tribnnes Antonj and Castint were driren from 
the Senate honse and fled from Rome to Caesar at Ravenna; with them 
went Curio and Caelins* « 

§0S. 

P* 20« X 9mma perturhari\ "to create general confusion', so we find 
omnia miseere^ penmsetrt^ €9nfundin% 
% quid,. ,dieibat\ ■ why, did not Caesar himself saj so? ' 

3 tnUrtessU fugbcta] Caesar says (B. C. I. 7) that in his address to the 
troops at Ravenna he complained navom in n pMica introductum 
txempium ut trihunicia imUnasio armis noiarttur aique cpprimiretur. 
he reminded them Sutlam tuidaia ^mn^us nkut triSunicia potestaie 
tarnen iniercasi^ntm liUram reliquisse; PompHntn^ qui amissa rtstiiuisu 
videatuTf tiiam qtuu ante habuerint ademisu, 

4 cireuwiseriptus\ 'drcumscribed', 'thwarted'; the word is so nsed 
elsewhere of Uie impeding of a magistrate's action, cp. Caes. B. C. i. 3a 
erudeiiiatem et insülentiam {inimicomm praedieat Caesar) in cireumseri» 
bendis trihunis plehis\ Cic. PhiL Xill. i|^ 

7 de Caesart] sc loqttür or loquar, 

8 persona tna] Cicero generali/ has eünsistere in aiiqua re bat the 
nmple ablative is foand in the best ms here and in Phil. iii. 19 eum e» 
Salus, „eaitsisteretf where, as here, the later MSS insert in. Perhaps it 
shoald be inserted in both passages, as it might easily have fallen oat in 
the latter after eum or cff» in the former after Mä^ especially if it were 
written?« 

§0«. 

10 memüriae,„pr9di\ beware of translating these as if they were perfects. 
13 qttod\ by attraction for qui^ cp. Phil. V. 39 Pompao enim patre% qmd 

imperio populi JRomaui lummfidt^ exstinete interfectut estpatris similii" 

musJUiut and other instanoes qaoted by HM. 

dteus ae /umem] the same phrase is nsed of Bratas in PhiL XI. 94« 



XXIII s6] J^OTES. 91 

14 #»isfyialtofoIlowftfter for theparposeoftaldagput in; q^A^ 
X« § I oir n^H ommisfsUum ilUus (Pim^ ixucuti mmntst 

15 fngttm\ Cicero in bis letten often tpeaks of the ezodos of the F^m« 
peian ptfty from Rome in the beginning of the year 49 as a ihamefol 
flight, though he here speaks as if they had been driven oat bj foioe of 
anns, q>. Att« VII« ix 1 4; i> § <; 13 a § i; Dio xu« 7 wbcsajs the 
fngitives i}ray rdmt» <te tUrm»^ 0Z Fp^oi waX rff pwMjß koX r$r Iwildai 
mU vpo94n jcol roO j^ciXov, Fiat« Pomp. 61 ; Mommsen iv. 39a« 

tf expmUam aipu ixUrmi$iaiaM\ cp. MiL loi hau tamia virius €X häc 
urhi ixpelUhtnxUrminamur proidiiurx notice that Cioeio hece omits 
the prepodtion tx before suis uäihui contraiy to hia ntoal cnstoo. 
Draqger i*. p. 515 qu. Cic N. D. x« 63 wrU aiqui agra est gxUrwunaius 
as an isolated instance, overlooking this passage* \ex ims woold verj 
likely get wxitten issttis and then luis, J.S.R.] 

§06. 

19 sHrpium\ *shrubi', mentioncd with arbons also in Farn. v. 33. 

ao tris\ at Pharsalus, Thapsus and Manda. 

«5 ae€€pia riftnmut Antom»\ q;>. note on $ 19 end. 

Hel*nd[ Plutarch Ant. 6 commenting on this assertion of Cicero says 

that he is wtpt^opQt ^cvd^^tccvof. 
97 amnia perficU\ ' he succeeded in carrying evexything that the senate» 

while the republic was yet intact, had succeeded in preventing '• 
«9 tanun\ yet wicked as he was there were acta of peculiar infamy in 

bis general coorse of wickedness ; this expresses the force of the tatnetu 

§66. 

30 ealamUosoi\ calamitas is sometimes used of a condemnation in a court 
of law, so here Cicero refers to persons exiled or otherwise panished ibr 
some oflence; cp. Süll, sa where mnocentü is opposed to €alamitasas, 

pairui] C Antonius Hybrida, Cicero's coUeague in the consolship, 
cp. 98. He was charged with conspiracy and extortion and was sent • 
into exile. M. Antonius neglected to restore him in 49, the year of bis 
tribuneship, when bis influence with Caesar would probably have 
allowed of bis doing so: he was finalljr restored by Caesar, probably in 
47, and was present in the Senate on x Jan« 44, cp. § 99« 

33 aiia\ gambling was forbidden by Uie laws, cp. Hör« Od. iii« 34« 58 
fvftV« lipius alea. Nothing is known of Denticula. 



92 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXIII 56 

nMÜimi\ not ünom exüct otherwise the following remark quasi tfer»,,, 
Uufwi vnM hmrc no pointt bat to his füll dvic Status, q>. below in 
imügrmm rttiUmi^ from which it appears that in/amia or loss of certain 
political rigliti attcndcd condemnation 00 a charge of gambling; see 
SPA-dSflf. 

P* 21« I J»/«/] pat briefly kusedristiimi tä 'bat he restored htm ia 
Order that*, &c. Antonj cancelled his 'debts of honoor' by the restora« 
tion of his ciedltor* 
s iS^] a law permittlng the restoradon of the condemned : the phrase 
heneßcU Ups^ *thaiiks to' a particular law, is almost a technical one: 
cp. s^rHum hemtfici» Caes. B. G. I. 53. legis proimU Acad« li. § i, Reid. 

3 ohsinUm €ndö[ Qcero piroceeds to give a list of imaginary reasons 
Ibr Dentkola's restoratlon: tredo marks the ironical sopposition» To 
Institute a prosecution against a persoa in his absenoe, if he were absent 
on public business, was contraxy to the prindples of Roman law: in the 
case of a private individual sufficient dme would be allowed him. 

4 rtm uidUatam\ * that judgement was giren without the accused being 
heaxd in his own defence*: the word istdiciuSp the negative of dicius^ is 
chiefly osed in this fonnnla indieta caussa. 

5 mäium,.Midicium1 'that the judgement conceming gambling was no 
judgement by the terms of the Statute', Le. was invalid. J. S.R« 

7 «0fTw/riim]'invalidated'« 

8 nikU\ nikil may perhaps be here regarded as an adverbial accusative 
'innorespect'. 

qwmam..,gs^ 'sinoe the mere fact of his having been condemned 
goes for nothing'; because an innocent man may be condemned. 

10 tM forß aUa ttidere\ an act of the highest indecorum, as we at Cam- 
bridge might say 'play cards in the Senate honse': similar expressions 
are OfL m* 75 infin^ mikiendtt saUaret^ § 90^ i» I45 infor9 canUt. , 

19 it n§m,.,^Jiiättr1 'does he not unbludiingly (a^ertissitni) dedare 
his own likings?' 

IST. 

13 inspastiam\ Caesar set out for Spain in the spring of 49, leaving 
Antooy, who had entered 00 his tribnneship on 10 Dec 50, to super- 
intend his interests in Italy with the title of 'propraetor'. 

15 ^imgrmiidi a wocd that seems not to occur elsewhere, though the 
▼efb/ems^nw is common: 'how disgraceful was his style of travelling'« 



I ■ III- T - -»■■ ■«' 




XXIV s8] NOTES. 93 

Thtt two genitiTCt iim and iUrnntm^ each dependiog od ferßgn&ts 
tlioiikl be nociced, cp. Gus. B* G. L i^ tuu nus mffkmsiom tmimitiVLxl, 
and II. 17 wher« three gienidviet occnr €9num dürmm umtmäMÜMi 
üimris m^stri txirdha pertpteta* 

ümerum\ obtenre that iUr is nerer «sed to expre» the actoii 
aaterial road or highway, as vni is; e.g. joa must tay Ap^ mi not 
App(umiUri f>^ alwajt meana 'nmte', 'maxch*, 'way*, 'jouniey', && 
Ittstratic wumia^wruml] 'in what style did h« Tisit the municfal 
townsl' the Word /fix/rWi# in thissenseof' going abootirkidiig'isvcrf 
imre. 

16 rtbus, . .MnwMM] ' themes of constant and nniTersal discassioo*. 

18 « pä iMM fiii\ Qcero left Rome 00 17 Jan« 49 and dId not retam tiU 
the cnd of 47. 

19 uu:sfacir§\ * attain to the level' of your knowlcdge* 

91 audiium a(\ note that auäUum does not agree with ßßgiimm^ but 
attäitum ist 'it has been heaid* (by us) is nsed impenoiially, and is 
followed by the accusative and infinitive interrogatiTe davse fiW 
tmUumflagiHum ixstUusi\ that this is the oonstnictioii is shown more 
dearly by the following accosative iurpUudiium. 



§58. 

33 e$$edö\ the name (Keltic in origin) of a kind of two-wheeied vehide 
with which the Romans first became acquainted in Gaul or Germaoy 
where the natives used them in war. They were drawn by a pair of 
horses; Antony is said to have had his drawn by lions. 

tribunus\ 'though tribune': it was an act of extravagance in a tribone 
who ought to setr an example of simplicity to travel in a carriage. 

üdores laurea/i] a tribune had no right to have lictors; it was as 
propraetor that Antony employed them, a fact which Cicero oonveniently 
disregards: whether he was justified in allowing them to be laweati^ 
i.e. to have laurel on their fasces, a privilege reserved for the lictors of 
consuls or other high magistrates who had gained a victoiy, may iairly 
be doubted. 

«4 ap€rta\ with the curtains open, compare the opposite o^eria luHea in 
8 106. 

95 hanisti\ 'respectable'* 

36 nomim] she was known on the stage as Cytheriss'on this occasion 
.she adopted the more dignified Roman name Volumnia» which she may 



' . J.U ' . J. 



" 94 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXIV 58 

baTü gained as the mannmitted ilave of P« Volamnins Eatrapelus, a 
friend of Antony. 

98 mitmcipUi^ originally communities of penons who were not füll bar« 
gesses of Rome but possessed most of the rights of Citizens except the 
ius ntffrßgi and honoris (suffrage and holding office). But at this time 
thej were practicalty on the same footing as the eohniae* They were 
govemed by foor magistrates conltituting a eoUegium^ of whom two were 
called qutUtuorviri tun dieundo and the other two fuattuorviri atdiles, 
MM. IV. 479. 

praifeUurai\ towns govemed by a prarfictut iUriditundo sent 
annually from Rome by iht praetor urbanus. 

cohnias] more foXLy.cohniae avium Romauürum^ colonies of Romar. 
Citizens with füll buigess rights. They were govemed by two conimis- 
sioners dtimnri iuri dieundü (sometimes called quaituonfiri sre note 
above on mntnieipia) and two others called duennri aediia* Most of the 
Italian towns fall under one or other of the three classes here mentionedt 

«9 impressU\ 'he imprinted the traces of these crimes on every munidpal 
town'» &c. For the metaphor, cp. Verr. Ii. i. 6a icquo in^cppido pedem 
posuii^ M nPH piura,„ßagUiorum suürum quam advenms tut vesHgia 
nliqueriit Farn. V. so § 5 qua§ cum viderem tot vestigUs improtsa^ 

• f 

31 fdixl cp. Cic (?) fragm. sipf 4 (Nobbe) mqui emm quicquam aliud 
iitffduitas% nisi kamstarum nrum Prosperität^ vel, utalic modo definiam^ 
felicitas ettfortuna adiutrix eonnliorum bonorum: quibus qui non utitur, 
fdix esu nullo pacto potest. Cp. below, § 64. 

35 veterams\ Qcero natnrally did not wish to say anything to injure the 
veterans who had fought on Caesar's side. It was enough that the 
leaders should suffer. The argument of the whole sentence, which at 
first sight is a little obscnre, is *I don't want you to make me ill fnends 
with the Teterans whoce interests I wish to have secured, and so I won't 
tay anything about the character of the war you engaged in^though 
alter dl» their case is veiy different from. yours— they followed their 
leader, yoa'ioaght a leader'« PhiL 1. 6 veterani qui appeliabantur qui* 
bus kk ordo dUfgemtisHme emterüi. 

p* 22« 3 € TkataÜdl after the battle of Pharsalos« Antony retumed 
kern thii campaign with a detachment of troops to Italy by Brundisium, 
wbcre ht met with Gccvo^ who during the campaign in Thessal^ hail 



XXV 6j] . NOTES. 95 

«ttpasatDjrndiinm,«liciioediort]jaftcrtlie dccmve btttkhe 
to Bnwdiiiiim. 
% mtm 0eadtsii] q>. 1 5 L 50. note. 

^ /atriae] objecüve genitive 'afiectioii fbr ooe*s oonntry*. 

tt «r] *becaiue, ai yoa remind me, it was Dot taken bjjo«*; benoe Uie 
•i^rmcüve; contrait the previoot dauaefi^iw^^fiwfW 'wfakh (i»t 
i^ 70a did not take\ 

üauitül 'did your insolent langaage safier me to dierish this beaefit 
tCxoars as I did cberish it, and that too^tboq^ 70a saw that 70a woold 
Wear such words as these from me?* the mfani^g is that Aiuooj bf bis 
i M oKnLt had done his best to eflace firom Ckero's mind the iccoUectioo 
tCihe senrice that he had done him. '/raetertim €mm idcn toßtrimv 
m Uum eliasi affironts which were the moie wantoo« as yoa knew that I 
«oald retaliate'. Hüi. 

1% tmaril SS mimori menii coUre (Heusinger). 

prmuertim cum\ *and that though', a Teiy common mraning of the 
iravds; ibr a good instance cp. Phil. viu. 5 C pndem Cmumr mm 
mctpuiamt vesira dicreta^ praaertim cum ühtd astt ttmÜM. *Cmau 
did not wait for your decrees, and that too though he was so yonng'. 

$61. 

1^ Ni durum viam\ this probably means that she traTelled from Rome 
to Bnmdisium to meet Antony; this would take from 13 to 15 days, the 
distance being about 370 miles. See ProC Palmer's remarks 00 
Horace*8 well-known joumey, Sat. i. 5. 103. 

pä n0n\ Cicero might have written quin here and before vidtrü, 
ind also fuin scürit, but wishing to negative the veib stroogly, he 
piefeiB pä noH : the difierence may be seen in English 'who was there 
imi {guin) saw her? ', . ' who was there who did noi (qui uüh) see her?' 
irndtimmil indoUsco was not much used in the Ciceronian period« 

§62. 

«I f0KwnaHd\ a rare word, perhaps only found here and § 100. 

%\ dMhmü] didueen is regularly used of establishing a Settlements and 

Mm^ wälüum here signifies the establishment of armed garrisons in 

Um Italian towns. 



<*äf». 



WBmmsammmmm 



' 96 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXV 6a 

urb€\ Romey opposed to cp^idat provindal towns. 
S4 eumi cansali explainiog the reason of ignarus^ henoe the tabjanctiTe 
esset. 

eiusi to be taken with mojgister equUum^ not with amiearum : for the 
genitive cp. § 71 euius düiat&ris magister eqmtumfuisses. 
«5 eonsHtueraur\ the itatement that Caesar was Ignorant of the ap- 
pointment of Antony can hardly be correct. The Master of Horse was 
nsaally appointed by the dictator and chosen from magistrates of 
praetorian rank, cp. Dio XLII. %\t^9 ^krrugfiw twwapxfl' vpofft\6/iewin 
foi^ irrpar f fpik dr a (though he had not been rrpaniy^ ^praetor), from 
which we leam that Caesar made an excepdon to this rule in his 
appointment of Antony. Another exceptional circumstance in this 
case was that Caesar*s dictatorship, andconsequently Antony*soffice too» 
was to last for one year from Oct. 48 to Oct. 47, instead of the six 
months hitherto assigned as the outside limit for the dictatorship. 
Plat Ant 8 says (Ka2ra/>) durrdru^ i99.yopwßtU adrot jüw 49Umc9 
Uo/iwiJMP^ *ÄPTvwto9 d4 tvTOpx^ i\6/A9PC9 «/f^Pftf/tV» lrc^^ev,^rhich must 
be wron^ because it was after Pompey's death that Caeur was made 
dictator. / 

26 Hippid[ Hippias and Sergius were actors. Antoi^ feit that as 
trTo^of he was jostified in his intimacy with Hippias-j^ poor jest on 
the name. Juvenal vi. 8s seems to have been misled by the form 

• ffippia into thinking that a woman was meant, as he gives the names 
Sexgiolus and Hippia to two probably fictitioos characters, male and 
female, of his own day. 

equos veetigalis] a difficult passage. Halm's explanation (ed. <S) is 
that theoretically the State had to fumbh the horses required for certain 
public games {cttrules equi)^ bat that private individuals, and from the 
time of Augustos, Senators, were allowed to contract with the State for 
the supply, paying the State a fixed sum and reimbursing themselves, 
with more or less profit, from the persons responsible for the games« In 
- this transaction he thinks that Antony was only *the man of straw' and 
that Seigius, who had no right to be so, was the real contractor and 
leceived the profits. See Asoonius on Cic. Or. in toga cand. p. 83, 
Dio LV« 10, LiT. XXIV. i8. According to this view equM veeUgalis is 
eqnivalent to redemptienem equorum veetigalium. Dr Reid however 
dottbts whether more is meant than that Antony let out horses for hire« 
He rcgards it as inconceivable that equi veeHgaUs could be a regulär 
name fix the efmi cimUes^ in the sense of 'horses suppUed bj contract'. 



PPIPilHBlii 



&v.-*Mraaa «■ 



XXVI 64] NOTES. 97 

The phrase must mean horses that earn a vectigal^ just as a^ vte^gaUt 
is land that produces a vecHgal. The passage from Asoonios niaj he 
due to misapprehension. 
97 hami Pompey's house, of which Antonj had<become poneued» 
q>. 67. This magnificent house, which afterwardt became the propert/ 
of the Emperors, was situated in the Carinae on the westeni eod of tho 
Esquiline. Barn» Rome and the Campagna p. 350. 

male tuetur\ 'keeps with difficalty'» becanse after the death of 
Caesar property previously confiscated by him would naturall/ be 
daimed by its rightful cwners. 

M. Pis0nU\ M. Pupitts Piso^ consal with M. Valerius Messt^Ia B.C. 61. 
Is thn Position of his house now ascertainable? [possibly it is the 
same house as that of Galba*s Piso, recently discovered. J.S.R«] 

30 quo si ff€riere(\ 'did not know whither to tum', repeated § 74; ffM 
kabdtat almost >■ nesdebai^ cp. above § 38 and Yen II. %. 74 qmä^ga^ 
fuo severterei^ naciebat, 

3 1 Rubrh, . . Turselio] cp. § 4 1 • 

33 heres] he had professedly purchased Pompey's house bat had 
ultimately refused to pay the purchase-money, hence Cicero sarcastically 
calls him hens» 

P» 23« I u{\ consecutive 'so that' — 'so that he only possessed as much 
as he had been able to plundci *. 

§63. 

4 nequissimo genere levitaiis] 'the most disreputable kind of indeooroos 
behaviour': levitas is opposed to robusiior improbiias, and denotct A 
thoughtless disregard of deconim and the feelings of others. 

5 faucibus\ * throat * ; UUeribus • längs '. 

jo dticeret'l observe the tense» 'would think', not ^i^iii^/' would have 

thought *. 
II rtutare^ 'hiccough*. 

13 in suis scrdibus] 'among his xneaner actions'. 

14 veniamus ad splendidiora\ cp. § 78 1. 24 ad maiora veniamus» 

§64. 

15 se ricepi/] late in the summer of B. c. 47. 

17 Infis Staforis] some substructions of a building recently discovered 
near the junction of the sacra and the nova via are supposed to be the 



" 9^ ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XXVI 64 

xemains of this temple of * Jupiter the Stayer*t built, mccording to tbe 
I^;end, hf Romulns in gratitude to the God for itaying the defeat of the 
Romans by the SabineSi Liv. I* la, Bom'f Rome» p. i6a* 

s8 sMiucta\ sMure vod prateonis (or sub praeeoHim) is a common* 
phraset meaning ' to put up for sale*« OrelU in his first edition omitted 
ntHicia Cn. PompH ai QuintUian IX» 3. 99 quotes the passage withoot 
them; Dr Reid would omit tuHeeta* 

etuumpiü lacnMÜ] concessive participle, *thoagh my tears are used 
Qp\ *thoiigh I have no teart left to shed'» as below tervütUihu animis 
'thongh their spirits were enslavcd'* Such a remark in a modern 
Speech wonld exdte ridicnle^ bat Cicero as an impressionable Italian 
very likdy did weep when he first heard of Pompey's house being sold . 
be conld not however sommon a tear at a moment's notice in a speech 
and therefore pretends that he has wept his eyes dry: cp. § 68 quam 
€bmum,.»nimo tüu lacrimis praeUrire poUrat, 

93 iibir fuU\ 'found free expression '« cp. the common use of libertoi in 
the sense of wappfti^UL 'freedom of speech '• / 

«4 iam,..A^is] this apparent rather than real exception/to the mle 
stated in note on § 18 1. ss, is not noticed by LS. The Substantive 
Jk^if is practically equivalent to an adjective, such as inifkütis. 

95 scelus ttttiüms] 'wicked sale' : this use of leeius 'mflx a genitive is 
ooiloquial rather than literaiy, and is found in Plautus and Terence. 

invetUus iü nemo\ this is not true, as we leam from Cicero himsel^ 
FhiL XIIL § II (quoted by M.)* 

96 /rttMr/iMaMfl'although', cp.noteon§6oL IS. 

98 idquod\ not 'that thing which'^ but 'such a thing as*» hence the 
sabjunctive, 

39 i/upor] cp. § 30 L 93. 

30 üU loe9 natuM\ *bom in such a position as yours*. 

31 Pompe!\ Said with emphaäs: the moral greatness (in Cicero's view) 
of the person whose property Antony bought was an aggravation of the 
ofience. 

39 popuU\ dativü ' in the sight of the Roman people'« 
33 H €sse,.M fiUunul this double ii when the same verb is used in 
diflerent tenses is Yery common; cp« Verr. Ii. 9. i^.inieil^eiis inim, 
nuüis k^mmiku ptimqmam tOHia pdU, quanto istum Syraeusa$%ii^ ii- 
imäfmui\ 2hjl.va.^fMaiaimumirabUiaä/(miaficiiAntmim^ 



XXVII 67] NOTES. 99 

P» 24. 3 imttitid^ Le. tmm imsHHa *hj wliöte justice it was deaier 
(tothem)*. 

4 M imgurgiiassei\ *had descended like a torrent* (?), cp. Pis. 4s 
mmpiam U in td ßagUia itigurgiiatsis 'yoa would nerer havü beea 
swept into such a course of crime', bat here too the ezact shade of 
meaning is doubtful : the word rneant Uo poor into*, Plaat. Cure 198 ktc 
vUiutiHpirgUaiimpurainumirumavarittr/aucihtspiemis. [Pottibfy 
Cicero wiote co^t 'on tbe strength of Pompej's wealth he had givea 
himself a debauch ', cp. Fin. ii* 93 qui de commnü oatfertmiHrtnidipu 
u rursus mgurgUetU* J.S.R.] 

5 ßerswa de mime] *ai a character in a (arce*. 

6 ^am] Cn. Naerius, Ribbeck Trag, firagm. (ll. xi) 54. 

male portal Ferrarius quotes Plant* Poen* 843 tmale partum maU 
ditperit. 

lee. 

7 $nardiöile,„medp\ 'there b something incredible and nimost por- 
tentous in the way in which' &c. 

9 vini numerui\ 'quantity': yfhta Jrumentum is spoken of, numems 

is the regulär word to express quantity, cp* Caes. B. G. Vll. 38, vill. 34, 

B. C. XI. 18, etc. 
10 tfestis\ vestis may be used of a single garment or collectiTcljr, as here, 

in sense of *apparel*, cp. Liv. xxi. 15 muUam preiiesam eupelUctäem 

vestemque missam Cartkaginem. 
IX AsK/a] 'elegant'. 

non Uta quidem\ cp. note on § 33 1. 4. 

§C7. 

13 Charybdis\ the dangerous whtrlpool bctween Italy and Sicily, per« 
sonified in ancient mythology as a female monster. In the de Orat. iii. 
163, Cicero raises an objection against far-fetched similes of this kind 
deinde videndum est ne hnge timile sit ductum* Syrtim pairimom^ 
ecopulum libeniius dixerim ; Charybdim bonorum^ -varaginem paiüeu 
QodittS is compared to Charybdis and Scylla in Har. Resp. 59. 

14 me dimßdiusi *so help me the god of faith' ; supply some such woid 
as iuväi the Omission of a verb in adjurations is conmion, so we find äi 
meliora (sc detU^f di Uli mortuo (sc mala dent) ; cp. mehereuleu In the 
forms idimfidms^ eeastor^ edepol the < is probably a prefixed inteijectioiu 



' lOD ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXVII 67 

15 disnpatai\ 'dispezsed'» 'icattered'. Thit portidple is ofteh unitedr 
- mitikdis/ersiu, 

16 nihil,,Mripium\ *to bis pillaging hands nothing was barred, nothing 
sealed, nothing secnred in writing'i some such amplification of the 
sentence is reqoired in English. 

17 tf^^^o^] dro^iccu« 'warehooses*. 

18 co$tdonabantur\ condono difiera slightly from d» or dmu in implying 
freehanded« profuse giving; q>. leg. agr. 15 sie conßrmo^ quiriieSf hae 
Ugt agraria dort voHs niküt c^ndottari certis hominihis omma, 

19 rrf€rta\ often osed, like pUnus^ with a genitive: so- we say *filled 
with'or^fullof. 

so aique id\ 'and that too Vcp. idqui in § 93 L 9. 

sugger^ntur\ 'wiere superadded*. 
SS €OHchyliaHs peristromaiis\ 'parple-dyed coverlets': conchylium was a 
light purple dye produced from a kind of shell-fish with an admixtare of 
other ngredients. The patchwork coverlets {fmtomi^ ordinarily osed 
by slaves were made of the commonest rags« 

peristrowuUis\ the word is a hitinised form of wt/H^rfniftäTai for the 
form of the ablative, q>* paematis^ epigrammatii^ aemgmaiü* 

cellis] 'garret'y 'hut'» a word peculiarly applied to th^ dwellings of 
slaves. / 

«7 AürUs] 'sc deeupavU as continuation of the foregoin'g invasit in fit' 
Umas* HM. : perhaps sapply devoramt from the nearer verb. 



§68. 

39 «r 0siindere\ a not unoommon phrase in Cicero. 

31 quamvis nikü sapias\ 'devoid of sense as you are '; cp. |§ 19, 43. 

p. 25« X fw/rw] probably spoils taken by Pompey in the pirate war. 

9 ptttas\ 'do yoa think?*: slightly irregulär seqnence of tenses; one 
night have expected/t(i!dtx// 'did 3roa think?' 

3 sins tensul 'withont feeling\ not 'without sense '• 

6 obiieta si(\ this represents in a direct Statement obiicta est, like cum 
adspexisU above, bat the clause being subordinate^ the mood becomes 
subjunctive. For the use of the word cp. Acad. 11. 49 H tale visum 
0bieeium ut a di§ darmtenii^ Div. II. 143 visum est taU okiicium 



XXVIII 7o] NOTES. xoi 

|69. 

8 m$ piuUm wtutni\ Hot my own part I pity*. 
le piid nm.,.dua/iimä] *what (conduct) that was not based oa (did 

not spring from) the hlghest morals and the strictest disdplioe?' 
13 imsHitäis] *habiu'. 

pr9„junf\ 'bedrooms and dining-halls have become dens of in£un/ 

andglattony'. 

15 A^/^l 'respectable'i tsu frugi or honag frugi was an old phrase 
mouilng 'to be fruitfiü*» 'serviceable', *iisefttl'; in course of ^smt/higi 
came to be regarded as an indeclinable adjectire whicb could be attacbed 
to any case of a noan, and took the place of the normal adjective^Wf- 
fttlis^ which is seldom fonnd sare in the comparative and saperlatiye. 
Another adjectire of like anomalous character is ntquam* 

16 swu res tiHkttUre\ the usual formula of divorce. L^;al Separation 
between busband and wife was easily obtained in Rome at tlys period; 
nothing s^ems to have been required but a dedaration, made in the 
presence of witnesses, of Intention to separate agreed to by both partiei 
and stating reasons; the words tuas ra tibi habeto 'take what belongs 
to you' no doubt formed a part of this dedaration (cp. Gaius dig. 
XXIV. 9). 

clavis ademi/} 'took from her the kejrs*. The woman was expected 
to band over to her husband the kejrs of the house or of such part of it 
as was nnder her control; there must have been a provision to this 
efiect in the Twelve Tables, the great foundation code of all Roman law. 
In the present case as Antony was not married to C3rtheris, no formula 
of divorce seems to have been necessary ; they merely parted Company. 
This took place in 47. 

X 7 exegi^ the husband said exi or iforas or something similar : Bneche- 
1er thinks the original phiase was baeUforas. MM. vii. 68 — 7a« 
porro\ «forthwith*. 

x8 cuius»„divortium\ 'in whose whole life no more honourable deed 
can be found than bis Separation from an actres^'. 



70. 

19 . at,„nequissimm'\ '* but how often he uses the phrase, ' I, a consnl and 
an Antony 'y which is the same as saying 'I, a consul and aprofiigate' or 
'I, a consul and a scoundrel' "• 



■^ 



»•• |_12H 



toa ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXVIII 70 

43 avos\ qi. note on | 4s 1. 13, and for Antony's unde, Qoero's ool* 
league in Uie consulship^ see | 56. 

14 mn[ 'were it not for the fact that you alone are an Antony'* 

15 quae\ 'which are not spedally charactenstic of the part you played 
in harassing the State; I return to yotir own peculiar part, I mean the 
civil war'« 

171. 

39 timuUtaitml an ttnworthy taunt ; whaterer his faults may have been, 
want of conrage was not one of them; see Plutarch Ant« 8 for some 
aocount of his qualities as an officer. 

30 dtfuisti\ after the battle'of Pharsalas Caesar» appointed dictator for 
a year, sent Antony back to Italy as master of horse. At the expiration 
of the 3rear in Oct. 47 when Caesar entered on his third dictatorship he 
made Lepidus master of horM in place of Antony» whose extravagant 
condoct Caesar perhaps feit to be prejudidal to his interests* In the 
sttbseqnent campaigns Antony took no part. 

31 a9Uistgmm9u\ the antesiguani in Caesar's army were probably a small 
special corps of picked men who fonght in front of the Signum or 
Standard of the legion, a long staff surmoonted by an eagle of silver or 
bronze. 

JL Domittum\ appointed to sncceed Caesar in the govemorship of 
Gaul» Appian B. C II. 83 ; he had previously fallen into the hands of 
Caesar at the capture of Corfinitun in Feb. 49» cp. above» § 37» Caes. 
B. C z. 33. 

p« 26» I 9ervasu(\ ' would have saved'» i.e. if it had been possible : this 
or some soch addition must be mentally snpplied to explain the subjmic- 
tive servass^^ which is an apodosis of a conditional sentence with the 
protasis omitted. For Caesar's demency» cp. note on | 5, and Appian 
B« C II. 107 carcicdXcft M kqX rote ^iywTM b EoZIrap, vX^ cf rit hrX 

qI «-«XXodff wp9^iytw iSfitoi H int^kvt dpx'^ f ^' ^tfrflr 4 €t^t9w48vp 

% ', taniis talihisl et shotüd probably be inserted« 

5 f»££fiMf»] in the sammer of 46. 

6 fiuusi9r\ in Gaul in B. c. 5t» cp. Caes. B. G. viii. 3. 38. 

8 appdlaiui\ appdlan is the usoal term for *calling on' a* debtor for 
payment One wonld expect the addition <Ä ab iü here^ referring back 
to the relative iuims^ 'you were calied 6n for payment fy htm whose 



:-'i .Jrii^v»fli«i|nMMiaiPTCP«r*HWV^piipwVfW«l« 



XXIX 73] NOTES. X03 

quMstor etc« you had been*. The usual predsion tnd penpicmty of 
CIcero's ttyle seemt wanting in the text in iu present form: if it be 
right the coDstniction must be ds pecunia \eius\ onus tu^ &c« 'yoa wen 
called on for payment in respect of the money belonging to him whoie 
quaestor*, &c« Halm howerer (ed. 6) allowt the Omission oiab e^. 
9 pro sectioml for the property you botight at the lale of Pompey'i 
effects« 

IT2. 

10 videarl supply äüen, 

i % pecum'am] supply some such word as pdat otßastuUt ' What» Caesar 
demand money from me?' Draeger i*. 900 contrary to lense sopplies 
accepit, M. supplies pdet^ but perhaps the suhjunctire *of indignatioo* 
(cp. note on § 16 L as) should be preferred* 

13 a£\ 'why, it was beyond his power I' 

ad iUum.„attuli\ 'I put within his reach'« 

14 l^€s\ this appears to be exaggeration on Gcero*s part; HM. refer 
to Anton/s enactments during his tribuneship mentioned in § 56, bat, 
as Abrami remarks, these were not of suffident importance to Warrant 
the introduction of them here among the other measures of Antony that 
served to introduce the dvil war. More to the point is the reference to 
Dio XLI. 17 (HM. introduction, note 43), from which it is gathered 
that Antony proposed on behalf of Caesar the appropriation of the 
sacred treasure and introduced other measures in his master*s interest« 

19 itis postulabas] 'you made a just demand'; for ius^quod iustum tsi 
cp. Plaut. Pseud. 1313 ins petis^ faieor. Cicero is here replying to 
Antony*s imaginary demand *your demand was a just one, but what 
good was it? Caesar was the stronger'« 

§73. 

10 excussis] 'flung aside*: the metaphor is from shaking or wresting a 
thing from a person's grasp : cp. Mur. 30 offtfua Uta noHs siuäia da 
manibtu exctUiuniur^ Süll. 94 excutimt tibi istam verborum iäctcUionam^ 
47 noli aculeos orationis meae exctissos arbitrari, 

ai rf/m]a(whereupon': *'the coincidence in time is sometimes vividly 
expressed by an Inversion ; what would otherwise have been the tem- 
poral clause being put first as an independent sentence (often with muri), 
and what would have been the principal sentence being tubjoined with 
0im^ often cum npente^ cum intcrim^ &c." R. § 1733* 



' 104 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECÜNDA. [XXIX 73 

taMd[ *aaction\ properly a UUet conttining an inventoiy of the 

thmgs to be ofiered for sale. 
SS fui rista k9minum\ this exdamaüon is followed by an accusative 

and Infinitive clause, being tyntactically equivalent to quirn ad modum 

riMtmt kümina. 
33 parUm Mlse9u\ *his share in Misennm \ cp. abore, 1 48 end. 
«4 nikä inU] Antony was selling this property in order to satisfy 

Caesar*! daims, and it chiefly consisted of Pompey's efiects which 

Antony had bonght bat had not paid for I Hence the rints kcminum, 
96 €aque\ *and what there was of it*. 
«7 sordidata ptattapidl *slaves in sqtialid attire*; cp. Ter. Haut 397 

uim ka$u quam duii sordidßtam ei sordidam 'meanly dad and rnean*» 

Qc Pis. 67 und »rdidaii minisirani. 

tit doUnmusl 'so that we grieved'; td^Ckrt with infinitive» cp. 

above, 1 40 L 33. 

|7i. 

«9 heredes Z. Rubr%\ Rubrius had left his property to Antony, to whom 
he was a perfect stranger, passing orer Ins nephew and the son of Q. 
Fofius, who also had some daim on him, cp. M 40, 41. They probably 
interfered with the auction on the ground of some invalidity, real or. 
alleged, in the will, such as that the testator was not of sound mind; or 
the interference may have been purely arbitraiy bat anthorised by 
Caesar, as the words decnte Caetaris might seem to suggest. Or does 
Gcero mean to imply by his language in {J 40» 41 that Antony had 
actoally forged the will? 

30 twn haMail cp. 1 63 1. 30. 
quitil 'nay more*. 

33 €um ift»] 'armed with a dagger', cp. note on 1 8 1. 7. 

33 pro/kitciturl towards the end of B. c. 46. 

p. 27* I prürogatisl 'having allowed you a few additional days for pay« 
ment*, cp. | 34 L 3i. 
3 rudim^ sc aceepisH or äceepit^ acoording as we suppose Antony 
to have been personally address e d or not; the phrase rüdem aecipere 
was a £uniliar one, and so the verb is omitted. Gladiators on their 
lelease ftom the senrice of the arena received a wooden ioSL {rttdis) as a 
token of disdurge. We might perhaps render in English, thoogh the 
metaphon are not paialle^ ''What, so good a prizc-fighter throw tfp'the 
tponge 10 quiddy?** 



XXX. js] NOTES. 105 

pd[ the antecedent to pd is of coone hu$Uf not quisquam. 
4 idisf\ for this use of iditt introducing an explanaüoa or •mpllfiai» 
tion of a previous phrase cp. note on | 50 1. $• 



I7S. 

6 aliquando tattdim\ this, or tandem aliquando^ is a common phiase ia 
Cicero. 

7 pervenire\ be only reached Narbo, as we read later on. 

8 Dolabella] P. Cornelius Dolabella was third (?) hnsband to Tnlliat 
Cicero's daughter. It is not quite certain that she wa« ever married to 
Crassipes, Plut« Cic. 41, Boot on Cic. Att iv« 5 § 3* 

ista caussa] * the cause (of Caesar) that you had espoused ' (m/s). 
10 ter\ at Pharsalus, Thapsus and Munda« 

13 no/lem] supply adfuissd. 

cmnliuml *though his policy in the first instance was reprehenstble 
(i.e. his policy in espousing the cause of Caesar) yet his constancy was 
praiseworthy'« 

14 qutdesf] *what are you?' i.e. *what is to be said of you?* Garatoni 
quotes Farn. v. 12% 6 neqtu enim tu is es qui quid sis mscias, Att« ili. 
15 § 9 quid enim sumt Har. Resp. 41 hie vero quid estt compare the 
phrase aliquid esse 'to be something': and for many instances ofquidss 
qualis with viäeri (as in Fani. IX. ai § z quid tibi videor in episttUisf) 
see Reid on Acad. 11. 76. 

liberi\ Gnaeus and Sextus. 

15 tumprimum\ 'then, in the first place': ^^primum does not belong 
to tunit but is correlative oipraeterea " HM. 

fueriti *granted that this (the recovery of their country) was the com- 
mon cause of that party ' (the Pompeian party) : yet, Cicero goes on to 
say, they had special objects in view as well ; they wanted to recover their 
own hearth and home of which you had robbed them; cp. note on § 6a . 

L «7- 
j8 etsi\ this concessive clause anticipates the word aequissimum which 
suggests its insertion: Cicero's meaning is — it was in thehighest degree 
right for you, in the circumstances, to fight against the young Pompeyi^ 
yet how can one talk of right in a cause that is absolutely wrong (f>i 
rebus iniquissimis) ? 



P« P« XG 



.^JLl 



106 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECÜNDA. [XXX 76 



§73. 

3 1 eonvom€ra\ a rare word ' bcvomit '. 

«3 Narbone näüus] the addition of the preposition is more usual when 

. the place 'from which* is dependent on a Substantive, cp. PhiL iv. 3 
a Sruttäisiü nditum\ R. § 1359: q>. § 64 AUxandrta si reetpii^ 
Phil. III. % ex eis ptidam Roma reeentet^ 'newly come from Rome'» For 
the form of expression cp. § 48 qui tum inäe redUus aut quaiis t 
quaerebaf\ no doubt in his speech on 19 Sept. 
ex ipso eursu] the ffisü can best be expressed by translating ' when I 
was actually on my joumey ' : Cicero is perhaps quoting Antony's words, 
which may hare been cur tu ex ipso eursu tuo tarn subito revertistif * from 
the veiy middle of your journey ' : somewhat similar is § 93 qui in ipso 
äoiore risumfosset eontinerot ' in the midst of his indignation'« 

34 revertissem] Caesar retumed suddenly to Rome 31 Aug., abandoning 
his projected joumey to Greece. Note that reverti not reversus sum is 
the correct perfect of revertor. The participle reversus however occurs 
Phil. VI. 10» Caes. B.G. vi. 43. 

nyper^ in the first Philippic delivered on 1 Sept. ; cp. Phil. i. 7 — lo. 

«6 Kai, lanuarias] cp. Phil. z. 6 ea mente discessi ut adessem Kalendis 
lemuariis quod initium senatus co^eudifore tndebatur. He had promised 
to retum by that date, when his friends Hirtius and Pansa would enter 
on their consulship ; Plut« Cic 43 (M.). 

«7 tenebrisl prose writers generally say in teneMs, though in phrases of 
eveiyday occurrence such ^as ' by day *, 'by night'» etc. the preposition 
was dispensed with, die, luce^ nocte, hieme, etc.: here usage is influenced ■ 
by sound, luee non in tenebris would not sound well. 

•8 eum ealeeis] cum is nsed with artides of clothing as well as with 
names of weapons cp. 1 8. ealeeus was the ordinary Roman boot or 
ihoe (something like an 'Oxford' shoe) as dbtinguished from the solea 
*sandal' ; so to^ was the distinctive Roman garment; Qcero contrasts 
his own homely attire with the foreign fashions afiected by Antony. 

GalUcis] a kind of sandal, AuL Gell. Xiil. 91 1 6. Difierent kinds 
of CaUieoi were sold at Rome, viriles rustieanoibisoUs, viriles monosoUs, 
eursorioi* 

laeema} a light mantle of elegant shape and made of any coloor that 
mig^t snit the taste of the wearer. It was wora orer the to^ whence 
Jwenal IX. 99 calls it mummemtum toffUi it was iastened by a backle 



V « 



■MftaMMhMkMMMaaiMifeMk 



XXXI 77] ; NOTES. - ,07 

CD the right ihoiildcr. Ancostiis Ibripdtt tfa« wetiing of it.iii Ront \ 
SueL Aim;. 40; under the Emptve U Menis to ha^tt Mpewe d c d Ibt 
9ßpim as the military dreit ; cpw SD A. Amctm, MIL TU*« 568» 

t9 tulspkis me\ a rhetorical toodi to gi^e Tividiiai to Ihe apcac^ c^ 
1 36 1. 33. 

«] cp. 1 3 L 14. . ^. 

33 . yiMij»fru6y«ry]*£uidedthat yoahadl^^ 

becanse Cicerochofe to think Antonjr's appcuntmcDt imcnlar. He was : 
master of hone firom-Oct 48 to Oct. 47. ffuimaim im. 
proximum ammum\ the preicnt jear 44* 

Pt 28* I pUtns\ this was the proper word to expre» constitadonal ' 
candidature for an office: it is implied that Antooy b^eed. for die 
oflSce (n^pirer) rather than ofiered himself as a candidate in the oidinaiy 
way. The word may imply, as r^abaiur below» that pfrmiirioo to 
hold the Office had now to be begged from the great man of the day« 
namely Caesar fcp. | 79 iusnu a nmintian tmuul. 
Galiioi] Osalphie GanL 
3 a^Mi]as/r/nv means'tosoliidt'it ishere followed bycidththe • 
ablative of the person (here represented by qua, the coontry for tbe 
people) from whom the faroiir is sought«- Orelli reads /» remarking 
*/ qua* sie dictum at ut illud *ix prcvineia^ iriumpMart\ so HM;^ ■ 
translating 'for our Services in which' (as propraetors» quaestors 

&C.). 

§77. 

6 Saxa rubrd\ some rocks of red tufa about nine miles from Rome on 
the left hand side of the via Flaminia; the place is now called Groita 
Rossa« Here Mras fought in Oct A.D« 313 the dedsive battle between 
G>xistantine and Maxentius that made the former master of the Western 
Empire. 

tauponuld[ the diminutive is contcmptuous : *some wretched little 
tiivem'. 

7 /^i^^ot^ 'prolongedhispotations*. 

0^ s«;s;^tfnim] the accusative with a/ is the only part of ws;^«^ 
Cicero, and peiiiaps only here and Cat. il. 6. The usnal form is ad 
Visperum. Dr Reid doubts whether the icss are to be tmsted in 
these two passages, inasmuch as vispera is an archaic and poetic word« 
Afierwaids leintiodaced into prose by Sallost and his Imitators, 



xo8 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXI 77 

8 €im\ a light two-wheded vefaide, *gig'; lee a figare of it In 
SDA. 

obvoUUö\ muffled in a fold of bis togn^ otpamüla if he was wearing a 
travelliiig cloak. In an ordinal/ way the Romans wore no head covering, 
at käst at this period« 

9 iamtor\ the verb which the reader at once supplies mentally is 
omitted for brevity, so in the next sentence con/atim aä iom (sc vmii). 

I % eaptU] * the chief point \ * the sum and substance *• 

13 illiml * from that quarter * ; q>. «riVw, isHm i the word4Rras gradnally 
supeiseded by ülinc {'»$Uun+c4). 

14 iransfudUsel cp. Farn. ix. 14 § 4 liieHtim omms maUf H modo suni 
ülifuoi wuae^ Uutdis aä U iramfuderim. 

15 in €oUum ittvasi/l Flut» Ant 10, says vf/N/SoXiJr Kar^CKii^tp ''threw 
his arms round her neck and gare her a hearty kiss '• This, according 
to the same author, was one of Antony's attempts to make the masculine 
Folvia more genial (IXo^wW^cr). 

16 $u^uam'l ' abandoned *• 

19 mOu] it is not dear how Antony's sudden retum could have caused 
a prolonged panic unless it was that he spread the report to which 
Plntarch vagnely refers (Ant zo) that Caesar was dead and that the foe 
were advandng on Italy. 



S78. 

ai iurpioreml sc« camsam redeumU x love was the plea that brought him 
home* bat outside of bis own house (foris) a baser motive drew him to 
Rome, Tis. the desire to retain his iU-gotten possessions. Cicero adds 
tiiam^ regarding Antony's lore for Fulvia as in \i9t\S iurpis» 

Z» PUutau\ Im Munatius Plancus, Caesar's legate in Gaul in 54, and 
dottbtless acting as his agent on this occasion ; he was brother of 
T« Munatius Plancus» tribune at the time of the Clodian disturbances in 
53, Forsyth, Life of Cicero, seems to confuse them« Plancus was one 
of the eight/ftt^A' wHtf woKuufdpioif appointed by Caesar in 45 ; it is 
inferred from this passage and from Fam. xiil« 99 that he filled the 
cS&cit<ii praetor urboftus* 

fraidittuos\ 'yoor sareties*i.e. the property of yoor sureties ; so we 
^peak of *selling np ' a person, meaning his property* Cp. Att« Xll« 18 a 
ofimor {AtUomam) propurpraeäu ntot auneurrisse. 

at prodmOui im €9tUio9um\ no private pcnnon could address a pabUc 



XXXII 79l NOTES. 109 



ibly witboat the pcnniwion of the presiding nuigittntet who was 
wüAfriiuurt aliquem im emUwium^ q>. the phxase dort alüm cün/wtum 
wliich mcans practiodly the tarne thii^. 
§4 4uf imawra vemiamtUl e^%%o wudara vidtamur ^ { 63 vimidMuu ad 

t7 üii ndifit] these wordi are fireqaently thns imited» cp. 89 irtiii 

rmlinmi, Wtrg, Aen. Yi. lai Üftu ndUfiu viam^ Qc. Att. XT. 5 | 3 fM 

/MTV iMiJIrr Uus rtdiiusf 
39 MMfM ^M# mod9\ Caesar may have focgiTen hlm the debt, reopgnisiDg 

his usefalnett : it U lest probable that he paid it. 
kaMai koe\ * had thit characterittic '• 
30 quim\ c9gHorat matt be applied with tbb daute fiom the IbHowing 

€0gn9rai. 

IT». 

33 iussut it rtnuntiari €ünnil\ *' firom iui»^ veU, prMiiO^ imßerü kume 
peddi^ a new phrase may be formed in the passive, when the persoa idio 
oomraandt or forbids it not tpedfied: kk peekU ittbdur^ viiatur^ 
frohibetur^ im^eraiur, e.g« iusms it rimmtiari iontM* Madvig L. G. 
596 obt. 3, Roby § I353- 

P« 29* e vistrum\ vot borrows itt genitive vostrorum or vetirorum^ 
irom which thit is oontracted, from the possessive pronoun vaier, 

3 ilU\ Caesar« 

^missum it rtceptum\ 'what he had promised and goaranteedS 
, 'his promise and engagement': cp. Verr. il. 5 § 139 taiit itt factum 
Siculis,„satü promisso nostro ac napto. 

inUrvirtU] 'diverted': the word is used of diverting a thing to one't 
own use, cp« Verr. 11. 4 § 68 vitervirto hoc ngali dono, 

4 ad teqm transtulifi 'transferred to himself. Caesar who had jnst 
been appointed consul for ten years undertook to make Dolabella contml 
tußsctus, or vice-consul, as he would be himself absent and to unable to 
fulfil the dutiet of the office. But he was induced by Antony, who had 
long been at enmity with Dolabella, to break his promise* 

tu\ ' yott allied yonr will to his perfidy '• 

5 viftiufU] Gcero it throwing himself back into the past and describing 
the eventt at taking place in the present, hence the presentt tßimuttt^ 
iogimur. 

i^murl cogin b the usoal word to exprest the snmmont to attend '' 
the tenate, cp. PhiL u 6 quoted aboye on § 76 1« «5. . 



HO ORATIO FHIUPPICA SECUNDA. pCXXII 80 



/ 



K 



180. 



7 . hic\ Antony, cp. below hie hanus augur. 

8 osUnäustt] practically equivalent to 'had promised', q>. Farn. ix. 8 
S.X, Att. IX. 13 §4* 

9 as€\ this beloDgs to consulemt the este beloDging to iussurum U omitted, 
as it often is with the partkiple in the future Infinitive ; in 1. 13 it is 
inserted wk^faciurum* 

qu€m.„dü€rei\ 'and jet people deny that he was a kingf, though he 
was alwajrs both doing and saying something of that kind I ' : after this 
indignant parenthetical xemark Cicero goes on with his stoiy, resuming 
the broken thread by the word sed. 
13 €§\ agrees with saeeräotio * with that priestly office*, viz. the augur- 
ship. 

13 viiiare] we use the same word 'vitiate' in the same sense: the 
magistrate whose election was vitiated was tn/ic f actus or viiiasus^ cp« 
Phil. III. 9 colUga.„qtum ipte emattiäs auspUüs viiwsum fecerai, below 
§ 84 viiiosus eonsul Dolabeila, 

■ ass€veravU\ obsenre that a Roman augur could assert that on a 
particiüar day he would see an unfarourable sign which would vitiate 
an important election, at least for the day ; a convincing proof of the 
fraud and saperstition that accompanied the observances of the State 
religion; cp. Dio xxxviii. 13, MM. i. p. 6» note 4. 

14 sty^itateml a very rare word, only here nsed by Cicero; cp. § 8 
stuUitiam ineredibücm vitUU. 

|81. 

16 n.,Msu\ *if you were' (at the time)» hence issa and not fuisus, 
which at first sight might seem to be required to harmonise with the 
pluperfect/tf/iiMMr in the apodosis. 

17 mos] by ' we ' Cicero, being himself an augur, means the augurs ; cp. 
below § 83 nosirum cMegium. 

nuntiatwH€m\ the whole of this passage g 80-^4 reqnires a detailed 
. expknation t the foUowing attempt at an eluddation of the chief 
diffidilties IS based on Monimsen*s *die Auspiden der Magistrate* in 
iroL z. pp. 3—41 of the 'Handbbok of Roman Antiquities'. mmtioHo 
isageaeralexpressiqn for the right of annoondng the will of the gods 
as sbown by Tarions. signs, which right was posseaMd alike by augun; 



mißmmmmmmmm 



XXXII 8i] NOTES. in 

and by migistntcs, wlifle tpedm (obtenration) It tued in putkalir of 

the right ponesied by tfa« nwgittnitct of cnqairiiiu^ ^^ ^^ of tbe godi 

on any definite inae a£(ecting4heir own prooeedings and reodfing i& 

aniwer to their cnquirj. The c;eneral rules rcgalatin^;^ such obtenratk» 

were laid down by the l^ßs AiUa it Fujim aboat i6o B.C Bot in 58 the 

tribune Clodius, amoni^ other metsares, canried a law cnacting m uMspku 

vaUrtHt, tu fuis ibmmiiard^ tu püs kgi mtertttUr^^ ui cmnikmjosl^ 

dieötis tigern firri iiani^ ui Ux Ailia Itx Fmßa ne vaUnmt\ Sest 33. 

In consequence of this the magistrates no longer poasessed the rjghtof 

titmtiatii and could not therefore hinder proceedings at election^ This 

is ihown by Festus tumtiatio^ pna amtti üu sacrorum AoAnU, auguräus 

€9Mpeiii,.Mt hii {magutraiibtu) spatw situ tmntiatwM£ data at^ tä ifd 

amspUii rem gererent^ ttctt ttt aiUs impedinnt ntmtianJom Now wfacB 

Cicero tays not nuntiationem tolum kabimut: eontttUs it niiqtu magü' 

tratut itiam speeiictum he implies by the word itiatn that the magistntes 

have nutttiatii as well as t^tU, This apparent discrepancy is doe to 

the fact that for his own purpose he is ignoring the Clodian law and 

treating the Ugßt AeUa et Fufia as onrepealed and still in foice; yct 

below he says fuqtu licet {dt caelo arvari^ cotaität pir ligm^ thus oootia- 

dicting himself by assuming the validity of the Clodian law. If this 

explanation be correct we are in a position to see that Anton/s 

proceedings were not due to stupidity, as Cicero alleges, bat to his 

observance öf .the Qodian law. [I am not satisfied that Cicero is wrong* 

The facts were too notorious for him to run counter to them : no doabt 

olmuniiatio (which is not the same as ttuntiatio) and tervan dt eaelt 

were abolished by Clodius (tbough afterwards magistrates occasionally 

treated his law as invalid and apparently with success) so iar as legislative 

comitia are concemed, but is there any proof that he did so in respect of 

the elective comitiaf I think all the passages relating to the operative 

efiect of the Clodian law concern legislation ; while many passages (Q. F. 

III« 3 § 3» Phil. II. § 99) seem to show that obnuntiatii remained for elec-' 

tions. If comitia in § 80 be interpreted as referring to electoral eotnitia (a 

sense often found in the letters) everything is made smooth. It may be 

that the peculiar form of obnuntiatio denoted by teroare di caelo^ which 

implied a previous announcement, was entirely abolished« J.S.R.] 

19 hoc imperiti\ tcfedt, 

90 pruditUia\ *knowledge' of sacred law. M. calls attention to the 
}\ng\t /rudcfttia and impudentiam* 

31 . ntultit atUi mitttihit] ablative of 'amount of difierence' R. 1 1204: 



rgr^i»^ . 11 1 , MM »■■BeSgHHWl 



xxa ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXII 8x 
lit 'before^ by man/ months'» q>. 1 8 Ulmmit fott^ { 87 1« 94 muUis 

%% quodficU\ described in |§ 83, 83. 

«4 äi €aeh Jirvarf] 'to watch the sky'; the r^ular phrase for the 

Observation of bearenl/ signs; tfi cath awpuari is also used. 

quod nequi lue(\ Cicero bere taciUy assumes tbe validity of tbe 

Clodian law, see above. Tbe plaral ügu seems to be used vaguely ; äs^ 

we often speak of an act being contrary to 'tbe lawa% tboogb Uiere may 

be only one law applicable to tbe case. 
«5 tum cümt/iis kabitui tbe ttnfavourable sign bad to be announced 

before tbe condusion of tbe election. 
«6 imp/üata] tbe participle impiicititt was probably not nsed by Cicero. 
«7 im^udmUa] ablative ; 'bis ignorance is bonnd np with impudence', 

cp, Vat 3 incamtantiam ittam, atm levifa/i, tum iüam feriurio im/li» 

§62. 

98 ilio dUI I Jan. 44, on wbicb day Caesar bad declared tbat Dolabella 
sbould sacoeed bim as consul suffkitts. 

99 af!parH^'\ 'derk'» from apparen 'to be at band*» 'to wait on% cp. 
Liv. II. 55 fuattmr ei viginti Iktorts apparen eonsulibusi a geneial 
name for Uie Iower dass of officials in attendance on tbe magistrates; 
tbey indnde Ikicns^ send pubUd^ arckitecH, scribae librarut aceefw, 
pratcones» 

30 tarn humiiis^ tarn aHec/us] cp. Fin. V« 57 mAä oHectum nikii humile 
ec^toiti, 

31 kcHeam'l a litter in tbe form of a coacb carried by bearers; as 
a mle tbey were only used on joumeys, or in tbe city by invalids 
or people of efieminate babits. Caesar tried to cbeck the use of 
tbem» Suet. Caes. 43, yet from tbis passage we gatber that be was 
in tbe babit of using one bimself, perhaps because be was not in strong 
bealtfa» SueL Caes. 86. Tbe words in aversam lectieam mnst mean 'in 
at tbe back of tbe litter', Le. at tbe upper end, wbere lay tbe bead of tbe 
person redining in it; Antony woald tbus make bis requests of Caesar 
in a oonfidential wbisper. 

33 Jies\ apparently in Mardi, but tbe exact day is not known; Lange 
in*. 477. 

sortiiU prair0gaHvai\ alter tbe reform of tbe fmitia cenhmaia 
(piobably in &•& 341 ; Lange U*. 468) tbe custom of cboosing by lot a 



XXXIII 8a] NOTES. 113 

tribe to vote fint was imitated finom the comiiüt irihuia^ onlyiostetdof 
atribca Century was so choten, called on that •ccaoxkt ^ raeroga t wa^ md 
themeÜiodofc]M>osiDgitwascalledMr;^>/rn»yi;;a/^^^ Eachofthess 
tribes was now divided into two parts, coosisüii^ of ^^9^ cetUurioi uaut 
rmm and five tmiurüu nmümm, thns making 70 «livisions (half tribes). 
Foitliennore cach of the five original Servian class€9 was now madeto 
oonsist of 70 centories, making the whole ntimber of centmies 350. 
These five classes became fused with the tribes in such a way that eadi 
tribe contained 10 centories, that is, two (one semorum and ooe imnu' 
fw/n) from each of the five claueSf thns making tip the nnmber 35a Tbe 
Tote given by the proirogativa was regarded as an omen, and Cicoo 
goes 80 far as to say that in consular elections no instance was known of 
a person carrying iu votes without being subsequently elected hf a 
majority of the whole body of voters; Plane 49. Tbe probable details 
of the change in the comiHa here briefly described will be found in 
Lange II*. § 133 *die Reform der Comitia centuriata*, § 1S4 «die Ab- 
haltung der Comitia centuriata*, Ihne» History of Rome iv. xs— i^ 
Mommsen, History II. 374—377» Hersog, Römische Staatsver&ssuDg 
p. II 19, foll. 

p« 30« t reHuntiatur\ *the result is announced', by the presidiog 
magistrate who had it publicly dedared by a proico «herald' (I^* ^* 
II. 4, Verr. 11. 5. 38); cp. Plane. 49 vocatae trifms^ iatum sttjfivgium, 
diribiiae [taUllae]t rtnuntiatum (so I should read for the renuniiatoi of 
the Mss, due to the previous feminine), 
s rmufttiatur; deinde^ Ha ut adsolet, suffragia; tum secunda classis 
vocatur\ the text cannot be right as it Stands, but there is great diversity 
of view as to the proper method of correcting it. Mommsen proposes 
d€ind€ equitum ut adsold suffragia \ the word üa only found in the 
Vatican ms may represent an early comiption of equitum, which if written 
tquitS might easily become ita between deinde and uti another Sugges- 
tion is that tum before secunda is the remains of equitum, which seems 
less likely: A. Augustinus proposes deinde, ita ut adsolet^ suffragatum 
secunda classis vocaturx Madvig would simply strike out renuniiaiuri 
for otber suggestions see edition of Orelli, Baiter and Halm, 1856. 
Mommsen's conjecture would be more convindng if we knew in what 
place the 18 centuries of equites voted, but in regard to this little or 
nothing is known. Another proposal of Mommsen*s is to put sex befoie 
suffragia, which would denote the sex suffragia equitum which arose by 
the duplication (attributed to the time of Tarquin) of the three original 



a<.db..Mi^BM«iil 



XX4 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECÜNDA. [XXXIII %2 

centaries of iquUa Ramnensa^ Tititnsis and Lutermses, which, when 
the patikians were doubled, became six centuries, bat were generally 
ttyled S€X suffragia ; bat, as Lange points out, there is nothing whatever 
to show tbat the six originally patridan centuries voted at a diflerent 
time from the la centaries that owed their origin to the so-called Servian 
oonstitatxon i \jl iht sex suffragia did not vote separately, it is hard to 
nndeistand' why they continued to be marked oflf from the la, which 
mnst have fonned part of the/rtima elassis of the xeformed Constitution. 
On the whole I should be inclined to leare the text alone and interpret 
mffirapa as sex suffragia^ bat the qoestion is too inrolved to argue 
briefly. If there is nothing to prove that the ux suffragia voted 
scparatdy, there is also nothing to disprove it. J.S.R.] 



§8S. 

4 C Zaslium] Antony is so scrupulous that you might fancy him a 
second Laelius : C. Laelius the chief interlocutor in the dialogue dt 
amieitia was consul B. c. 140 and was a member of the augural College. 
Ile was a man of the highest character and gained the title of 
*Sa/ims*^ 

diaral the second person is quite indefinite and corresponds to our 
'one': translate 'one would say that he was C. Laelius* not 'one would 
call him C Laelius*. For this hypothetical subjunctive cp. R. § 15441 
who quotes Verr. Ii. 4. 31 qua posteaquam vemrunt^ mirandum in 
modum — tanis vtnaiicos diceres — iia adarabantur omnia^ &c. 

5 alia di€\ this was the formula used by the augur when on the occur* 
rence of an unfavourable sign he forbade the inagistrate to proceed with 
the election: if no adverse sign appeared his words were siUiUium esst 
vidäur in answer to the question dicHa si siUniium esse tndebitun 
another question was dicito si aves addieantt answer aves addiatui. 
MM. VI. 388. 

6 de cado sirvas$e\ notice servassi not servarex the Observation of the 
aniavourable sign had to precede the election, cp. § 81 1. 33. 

7 aivenii] 'came in the way*: '«^' in composition often denotes ob- 
stroction, cp. aiessi^ cßcert^ aiicertf aiuuuiiarif &c 

8 tarn JCal. /an.] 'as early as the first of January*. 
fravideras] notice //wn^ hai^roidiia} cp. note on § 94. 

9 Jlavulei perhi^ the vocative of an older form Heraäus^ aflerwards 
confased with the Greek JKRrvrib. 



v^^^^^^s^^^a^imKmmimmm^^^EaBaammuamm 



.tmf»^S4m»aKtrwtBji 



XXXIV 84] NOTES. xxS 

xe €alamiiaie\ ablaÜTe 'of attendant circamstanoet*: 'with calami^ to 

younelf xather than to the State *• 

pbstri$unst$\ *yoa hare tied the hands of the Roman people by a 

rdigions ceremoDy': the people were *hampeied' by the vitiated 

election of Dolabella. 
II €OHsul\ yet Antony ohmnHmni not as consol bat at augnr; by the 

Qodiau law as shown above a consul coold not ohtumtiar^ that is» 

declare an unfavourable sign. 

1 3 noio plurd\ supply dieen. 

14 de/eran/ur] the question as to the validity of Dolabella^s election 
would have to be brought before the augund College fordedsion: cp. 
Lir. XLV. 13 vi/ia dum dictam esse augures^ eum ad eos reiaium ut^ 
decreveruHti Cic. Leg. IL 51 quid magmfieenHus ptam p9SSi eUeinure 
ut fnagisiraiu se abdicent eonsulest MM. I. 38. 



184. 

15 quam„»v<fles] cp. note on § 1 13 1. aa. 
vitiosus'\ sc. erii, 

16 saivis auspiciis] *without violation to the auspices*. 
si nihil esf] 'if it means nothing'. 

18 dixcris'l^dixisti in oratio recta: the clause is ' suboblique \ 
31 rem unam] 'one thing' opposed to muliis rebus i the unam should 
not be taken with pulcherrimam : see note on § 7 1. 35. 

Lupercalia\ the Luperci were a priesthood whose origin is lost in the 
roist of early Roman history : the name seems to be derived from lupus 
and arceo^ and suggests a body of men whose function was to drive oflT 
the wolves from the flocks. The Luperci yjttt. divided into two coUegia^ 
the Fabiani and the Quintiliani^ to which a third was ädded in B. c. 45, 
calied lulii in honour of Caesar. Their festival, the Lupercaiie^ was 
held on 15 Feb., on which day the Luperci in scanty garb ran with 
frenzied gestures through the streets, striking with leathem thongs all 
the people, especially women, whom they met. This* rite \^'as thought 
to be of a purifying and otherwise beneficial character and was calied 
februOf to which the month of February owes its name, as Ovid says 
(Fast. II. 31) niensis ab his dictus^ secta*quia pelie Luperci | omne salum 
lustrani iäque piamen habent, 

33 tum dissimuleU.^palle^ notice the rhetorical artifice: cp. §§ 33, 36. 

34 Minucia] the reference is to the event described in § 63* The /«r^ 



'2x6 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECÜNDA. pCXXIV 84 

tUut Mmuda böilt by Vi. Minncius Rnfos, consnl in iio, after hU 
* wtoiy over the Thndan Scordisd (VelL Pat. ii. 8), is supposed to 

baTe been situated in the dnm Fkummus^ north of the Tiber and west 

cftheCapitolinehilL 
%$ fupia] Cicero means, I am longing to hear your defence that I may 

see bow iar your instmctor in rhetoric, Seztns Clodios, desenred the 

grant of 9,000 acret of Leontine land that yoa made bim in retum for 

lib lessons; q>. 1 43. 
96 a/>/arm/i «shows itselT, 'makesitselffelt*. 



B7 rüsfrü] the raised platfonn, suggutus, between the ffrum and the 
€»müiumf from which speaken used to address the people. It received 
this name from the rvstra or beaks of ships with which it was adomed 
in B.c. 338. 

purpurtd[ suggestive of royalty: the early Roman kings are said to 
Iiave wom a porple and white trahea ; Julius Caesar wore a toga 
cntirdy of purple^ a habtt adopted by the Roman -emperors. 

sdla aunea] probably of ivory overlaid with gold : the u/la cumiis 
was usually made of ivory, hence Honice calls it atruU ebur Ep. z. 6. 
53 : Suet. Caes« 76 says that Caesar had sedem aunam m curia d pro 
trihunali. 

t8 c9ronaius\ wearing a lanrel wreath. 
tsundis\ sc rosira. 

iid[ 'yoa were a Lnpercus on such conditions (tto) that yoa were 
bound to remember that you were a consul ', that is, ' though yoa were 
a Lnpercus yet yoa onght to have remembered ' &c. For this restrictive 
ose of iia,„ut see Roby 1 1704, Draeg. H. S. zi. | 593. x : cp. CaedL 
44 cuius eg9 ingemum üa lautb ut non pertwuscam. 

^ ioioford[ for this ose of the ablatiye of place see R. | z z 70. 

3 g medüatum ä €ügiiaium jccius] scdus is in apposition to diadema * a 
I»eoe of wickedness deliberately conned and plumed ' : the same two 
partidples are ibnnd together in PhiL x. 6 ptmi verhum Hhi wm excidii, 
ui 9aip€ ßt^ firimio: icripium fneditaium cogiiatum aUuUtiL For a 
list of deponents (like wudüoi^ .with passite partidples see R. | 734, 
■ Holden on Cic OC z. «7. 

33 im v e m tu i it\ qiu note on | S9 1. 8* 

p»31* I fKpiQ cp. not« OD f «9 L z^ 



XXXIV 86]. NOTES. ti; 

€olkgum\ ooIki«iiediip implia eqaality of rigbts; Antonj wanted 
to make his coUeague his master. 
« fUb« ÜMV/Aimr] üUm is mascnlinr, agxeeing with tut not only did 
you want to make Caesar your master, bat 7011 also (idam) tned the 
enduiance oftbe Roman peopk. 

fim a paiil tbe two woids are firequently vnited hj all nndion; 
such pain <^ woids are not infireqnent in Latin: tomewfaat sirnüar to 
thb is the ^Yaui^ fiatumtirftrr* Phil. xii. 7, and elsewbere. 



IS«. 

5 peUra\ hardlys/eferv deUku (HM.)» bot peUra is the apodoaii to a 
suppressed protasis; if expressed in fnU Cioero's thought wonld have 
bttn somcthing Uke this H servir§ veUa {voiMusa)^ ü^i um Mrviihtm 
peUra (peiisus) * if 70a wanted (had wanted) senritnde^ yoa wonld sedc 
(haye songht) it for yoorself alone ' : see Reid on SoIL 95. 

omma paUrire\ 'endore any indignity'; a reference to hia sab» 
servience to his firiend Curia Dr Reid snggests that the words mi 
faciU sennra read like a maiginal ezplanation of ui 0mmia paUnn 
that has crept into the text« 

6 id urU\s*rwr9 yt : ' that office at any rate (viz. of giving Caesar the ' 
crown) yoa did not have entrusted (ntandatum) to you by us* : beware 
of taking iä mandatum together as = * that commission *. 

8 nudus] the Luperd wore only a girdle about the loins, luMwtcuf h 
we/k^ufULTi yv/jjfoL Cp. Phil. Iii. 11 guo ilUdiepopub Rümano inspectanU 
nudus wutus ebrius est coutionaiuSf xiii. 31 nejue iUius did me$nüriam 
perhorrtscU quo ausus est obruius viiut unguaitis oblUus nudus gtmumiem 
pcpulum Romanum ad urvitutem cohortarif 

contionatus\ contionari to address a public assembly: tüntw denotet 
(i) an assembly gathered only to hear speeches, not to TOte 00 any 
measure, (ü) a speech addressed to such an assembly« 

10 uUam partim sensus] * any particle of feeling *• 

1 1 vereür] cp. Acad. II. 5 ac vtreor interdum n€ talium ptrsonarum cum 
amplificart vdim^ minuani etiam gloridm* 

summorum tnrorum] Brutus, Cassius and the rest. 
13 qmd,„eum] in Att. xvi. 11 § a Cicero says he should like to alter v 
these words to nonm indigmsstptum est hunc vivere (Wesenbeig). 

vivire\ Cicero says in a letter to Cassius, Farn. xii. 4, velUm Idihu 
IdartiU wu ad cenam (Caesar*! murder) invitasses, rdifukurum nikU 



^» •J' 



.1 



1x8 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXIV 86 
Jmssä 'theie woold have been no leavings'; q>. Att. xnr. la | i iS 

14 MiurU\ Caesar thrust awa/ the diadem wlien offered him« 



1 87. 

j 

E 15 4uticribi\ * he ordei^ an entiy to be appended to (the mention oQ 
the Lapercalia in the State calendar '• 
16 dkiaimi pirpetuöl *dictator for life': perpttuos means properly 
' continnous \ * without a break*. Caesar was appointed dictator for VStt 

tt 45- 

so dt dU\ ' by day *": q>. CatulL XLVii. 5 vos ecnvrvia IcuUa tumpUtost 

de dUfaeitu ; K. S 19 ' 1 • 

in dum] * for the day * : we also have the cxpression ' to live for the 
day'. 

si im Ujgibus ei in iudiciij} ' within the sphere of the laMTs and the law 
coorts • 

sa guae tu.„sustulisti\ Antony had wealcened the authority of the law 
oourts by his arbitrary and illegal acts. 

«3 ide9$ü\ 'was it for thls that Tarquin was driven out'. 

Sp. Cassiusl for Cassius and Maelius, cp. nötes on § 26 1. 19 and 
L 17. 

M. Jlfanliusl somamed ' Capitolinus' : he preserved Rome from the 
Gauls in 390; in 384 he was accused of high treason and put to death ; 
no one of the Manlii erer after bore the praenomen * Marcus'» Cic 
FhiL z. 39. These three people are mentioned together again in § 1 14 ; 
"Lsg. n* 50 iiaque ei Sp. Cassius ei Af. Mänlius ei Sp, Maeiius regnutn 
occupare veUäsu dicU suni; Dom. lot« where it is stated that the site 
occupied by Maeiius' house which had been razed was called aepti' 
maelium because the people thought aequcm aecidisse Maeli^l Dionysius 
HaL howercr lenden it (^orcd^r, taking mequom in the sense of a level 
place; 

• 

188. 

«S- attdtebam\ 'I have always been told ' ; in this sense the iinperfect of 
MM&lsusoaL 

efmdem\ the old derivation of this word from e^ quidem is now 
^battdopcd, bm il i» med by Cicero jnst vtL thal^scnse. 



XXXV 89] NOTES. 119 

39 imeniUitl emeniUr U one of the deponenU that has ä passive participle» : 
cp. note on § 85 1. 31. 

tarnen] ' notwithstanding * that they were forged. 

30 ptUares\ * because (as I was told) you thought'; Cicero is quoting a 
report, hence the mood. 

stistulU] so far as Caesar was concemed the 15 Maich was abmptly 
cut Short by his death ; hence fortune is said to have ' removed that day 
for the State ' : reipublUae is dative ' of advantage '. 

59 iiicidi\ * I have lighted on '• 

33 praewrUndum est] from the deponent//vzAvr/^r which is thus uscd : 
praemrtor hanc rem * I tum inyself to this thing first \ and with a 
dative added praevertor hanc rem tili rei ' I tum mjrself to this thing 
before that * : from this we have the gerund praevertenäum as here ; ' 
thus quod is the accusative after praevertendum : ' to which I most 
address myself before (touching on) those subjects on which my speech 
had already entered ' : cp. Div. i. 10 si ifaeas animo neque kaUs aiiquid 
quod huie sermom praezfertendum puies ; XM» XXXV. 33 eUiuä in proi^ '" 
sentia praevertendum siH esse dixit; Plaut. Cist.v. i. 8 praevorH hoc 
certum est rebus alüs omnibus where LS. wrongly 9Xf praeoorti is passive. 
See LS. for other uses of the word. 

p. 32« 3 ex illa fuga„Je.„recepisti\ the phrase ex fuga se recipere is 
common ; we should say ' in flight ' ; ex seems to be used because the 
flight is looked upon as an action or State from which recourse is had to 
shelter; cp. Caes. B. G. vii. 20. 

« 

§89. 

4 frustra] this should be taken closely with verisstma * alos for those 
prophetic waraings of mine, always in vain so exactly true *• 

6 cum] slightly causal, hence the mood oivellent, 

1 omnia ie promissurum] 'that there was nothing you would not 
promise '. 

9 irent redirent] cp. note on isii redisH% 78 L 17 : * went to and iro': 
cum is concessive, * although *, hence the subjunctive. 

in sententia mansi] * I abode by my resolution ' of not seeing you. 

I a post diem teriium] 1 7 March, the festival of the Liberalia ; a Variation . 

for iertio post die 'on the third day afler', which by the inclusive method 

of reckoning adopted by the Romans would be the I7th; the i6th is 

postero die as above. 



xao ORATIO PHILJPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXV 89 

I j aedim TeUurU\ the Senate was summoned here by Antony ; q>. 

B> Dio zuv. 9«, who gives the sabstance of the speech then delivered by 
Cicero («3— ss). Antony chose this place because it was near his house 
in the Carinae, a distxict said to have been so named because the houses 

e weie baut round the temple in the shape of ' keels'* 

§90. 

15 tubUo ixstiiisti\ on Sept i, when Antony, finding that iCicero who 
had retumed to Rome only the day before was not present in the senate 
hooscy threatened that if he did not come he woold have his hoose 
polled down, PhiL i. xa, v. 19; 

16 tüi imdderü] 'you have been jealous of yonrself'. Cicero says 
saxcastically that Antony by his sudden change of policy has shown 
that he was jealous of his own high reputation that he gained on 
17 Ikfarch by advocating the amnesty proposed by Cicero. 

x8 iüüis düi menteml *yoat mind of that day\ i.e. the views you 
expressed on that day. 

19 ßiurum] Antony's Infant child, who, with the young son of Lepidus, 
was sent as a hostage to the conspirators in the capitol. On receiving 
these pledges of security they ventured to leave their retreat The 
chüd, who oottld not have been more than 18 months old, as Antony 
• was not married to Fulvia tili 46t is called the grandson of M. Bambalio, 
who was his mother Fulvia's iather, cp. iil. 16 A^mü nullo numero. He 
was named M. Antonius but was sometimes called Antyllus. His life 
was a Short one, for he was executed by Octavian in 30 though already 
betrothed to Octavian's daughter Julia. Suet« Aug. 17; Drumann 

1. 519- 
90 quamfuaml 'and yet it was fear» no lasting teacher of duty, that 

madeyougood*. 
. %% audada] note that andax, tuidaeia are always used in a more or less 
bad sense* like our ' audadty '• 
«3 n UUtdfimus /mi\ Caesar's funeral, or more strictly speaking his 
cremation, was oonducted amid such turbulence that Cicero hesitates 
whcther tocaUit afnneral, cp. PhiL 2. 5 qtdiUamime^uUamsepHUtiram 

«4 udentisdmii quoted also firom Sest 131 : there is lome tiace here 
of a leading j«dIeml£Mm/ agreetng with 4^^^ 



■Ml 



XXXVI 9x] NOTES. X8X 

§91. 

tud\ 'yourt was that fine panegyric'. Antony b^;an vith a 
Uadation of Caesar's acts and character, and then seeing the populace 
arottsed, so worked on their feelings that excited beyond control they 
bomt the corpse on the spot, using for iuel anything that came in their 
way, Suet. Caes. 84. The house of L. Bellienus, a Senator who li^ed 
near, was bumed to the ground, whether by aocident or design does not 
clearly appear. 

95 miseraiiü\ a term of rhetoric ; ' pathetlc appeal ', ' borst of pathos*. 

96 semusiulatusl the i of semi is elided before the Towel as in semmuia 
and (sometimes) semanimut or semanimis. See Att. XIV. 10 iiU tüam 
in foro combustus lauäatusqw mUeroHUter servique ä i^imUs in teeUt 
nostra €umfacUms immissL 

98 ^U4fs] 'which'; the antecedent being probably imfetus and not 
lervorum. 

30 quasi fiiligitu adsUrsa] ' when you had» if I may say so, washed the 
soot from yoor face'; that is, by way of porging yourself of 3roiir evü 
deeds on the day of the funeral you passed all those fine laws# q>« 
Seneca £p. 94 opifices inhurt,„videbis quanta fuUgint ohlinaniuri 
Plaut. Poen. v. 4. 33 os obütuni est fiiHgine; and iot abst€r:ginVoea, V» 
3. 9 creia est profecto haee horum hominum oratio^ ut mihi absterseruni 
omneni sordituäinem, The primary reference is of course to the smoke 
raised by the buming of Caesar. J.S. R. 

51 ne qua] cp. Phil. I. 3 aäsentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpido clarissimo 
viro voluit tu qua tabula post iäus Martias uUius deereti Caesaris out 
benefici figeretur\ from which it appears that the motion was proposed 
by Sulpicius and that Antony spoke in favour of it. Cicero thought 
that these measures though good in themselves were not binding on the 
people as having been passed without due regard to the forms of law» 
hence he proposed that they should be reenacted, Phil. v. lo. 

3« tabula] tablet on which the decree was written : these tablets were 
hung up or affixed in some public place (cp. § 91 toto CapitoUo talmla€ 
figebantur) and were subsequently placed in the tabularium 'registry' 
or'record Office*. 

benefici] probably refers to the granting of the rights of cititenshxp, 
cp« § 99» where after mention of immunitates, grants of freedom from 
certain public burdens, Cicero says civitas mu iam singillatim ud 
prminciis tctis äabatur, 

P. P. ZI 



122 ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXVI 91 

P« 33« X äidaturttil for this measure q>. PhiL I. 3, V. i^ Dio XLIV. $u 
a cepiss€\ odium is the subjecti U the object of tepissi, 
3 inu\ refen, I think» to diciaturae not to rig$di see next note. 

ümni\ for the omen of the best MS I should suggest ommno if Madvig's 
assertion be true that omtu would be incorrectly used with a word ]ike 
ftowun^ *cum imum nomin nuUas parUs habetU^ : for omnino tolUrt 
cp. Cic Quinct. 70 ctUm omnino rti mcmoriam omnem toUifundUus ac 
dderi arbüror oporterix Caes. B. G. vi. 39, VII. 98; and cp. Phil. i. 4 
€um dutatorit nomen^^propter ptrpetwu dktaturat reantem numoriam 
fundiiui £X n puiiua susiuUuet where funditus corresponds to the 
(snpposed) omnino here, and the words rectnUm numoriam illustrate 
proximum diciatoris metum^ which, differing from Madvig (quoted 
by M.), I regard as equivalent to reemUm dictatoris nutum, Cicero 
oonstantly repeats himself in the Philippics, and the resemblance 
between theie two passages is too striking to admit of the totally 
diffeient Interpretation put on them by Halm and Madvig. [I do not 
fed the dbjection to omni. Why should it not be used adverbially as 
other adjectives are? So non omnis moriar, kolut omm prandtn, The 
qnality of the Substantive seems to have no necessary bearing on this 
usage ; if Madvig*s maxim were prcssed, many other passages would 
have to be altered, e.g. Cael. 99 omtu iUud sileniium, for siii$ttium can 
haidly be Said to be divisible into parts. J.S.R.1 

IM. 

7 toio Otpiioliol for the abktive cp. § 85 L 30« 
9 popuUs umvtrsa\ see note on § 97 1. 95. 

iingiilaiiml ^^ adverb is equivalent to singulis*, cp. Phil. I. 94 
danüu daia non soium singfäis std nationibus ttpromncüt univirsit. 
10 promncüs Mit] Gcero is exaggerating as in PhiL I. 94 (quoted 
above), ni. 30 prommiat universaSt v. I9, vii. 15« Antony only 
gianted the dtizenship to the one province of Sicily. 
13 ' mmdintt} qiu f 35 vteügediumßagiHosisHmai nundinoi. 

198. 

15 upiiint wuUens\ the expression Is rqj^arded as a neuter noun, hence 
oT and qnod^ to below qnadri$tgientiins.»»piod doMtÜn 

/8Mtf] "acooiint books'. 

16 A/Cj^lpatbrieflyforA^Mi^WpsO/ix: cp.(35L «5. 






XXXVII 94] NOTES. 123 

funestae\ Cicero speftks of the money in the treasuxy inTidioiisIj 
as Jumstat^ implying that it had been raised at tlie oott of tofferiDg 
to the people, cp. Phil. I. x^ ptcuma utinam ad OpU manenti cruinia 
iüa quidem^ sed kis UmporUms^ punuam eis quorum ni non rtddUur^ 
fucasaritu Notice that pecuniae is genitiTe in apposition to tattrtmm^ 
which has to be supplied with septUns miliau. 
18 tributisl Roman Citizens were practically exempt from ihi^ irikttttm 
after B.c. 1671 when the State became possessed of large treasures 
bx the conquest of Macedonia by L. Aemilius Paulus, though it was 
open to the authorities to reimpose it whenever need should arise; and 
Gicero's remark here shows that he saw the possibility of snch need: in 
fact the tribute was reimposed in 43. It consisted in a tax of z per xooo 
(raised at one time to 5 per 1000) on the property of Roman Citizens aa 
valaed in the censor's books. Sometimes the money was xepaid when 
the treasury was enriched by a successful war, and it may have been 
always regarded merely as a loan. 
tnndicare\ 'release*. 

90 ta quüüm] sc decreia, to be supplied from dteretum below* 

91 a tuis\ 'from your fricnds' not 'by your friends*. 

. 9 1 Deiotarö\ Deiotärus, tetrarch of Galatia, had been set over Armenia by 
Pompey in 64 or 63 and allowed the title of 'king'. As Pompey's ally 
he incurred the enmity of Caesar, against whose life he was accused of 
having plotted. Cicero, with whom he was on terms of friendship^ 
defended him in B. c. 45 in a speech still extant. 

94 in ipso dolore\ cp. § 76 1. 93 ex ipso cursu* 



§94. 

95 huie oräini] the senatorial order, whom Cicero is supposed to be 
addressing. 

96 iU] as aeque ut is unknown to Cicero, it is suggested that ut shonld 
be altered to et (as in Cluent. 195) or to aut (Koch, Reid); unless ui 
is to be taken quite independently olaeqiu* 

eqtustri\ the equestrian order mostly sided with Pompey. 

Massiliensibus'\ Caesar's officers Trebonius and D. Brutus besieged 
Massilia (Marseilles) when held for Pompey B.c. 49. The siege is 
described by Caesar B. C 11. i — x6. 
98 praesens^ Caesar saw Deiotärus during his Asiatic campaign in. 47, 
and was his guest for a time, cp. hospitem below ; Deiot. 8. 

II — 2 



WB 



124 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXVII 94 

oiqui icm\ 'equitable treatment' q>. Plaut Cure« 65 m^ue quid' 
quam queo aequi bomqui ab €o impetrare : the t'wo words are frequentlj 
Ünu coDJoixied with or without the copuUu 

«9 gratwsusl ' possessed of influence ', ' influential '• 

€ompeUarai\ "had called him to account" HM. : q>. Phil. XIL 17 
idem eäam Q, Cüerofum,„c0mpeUai edicU^ mc setttU amens commett" 
dationem esse eempdiationem suam. Caesar had on some occasion 
extorted money from Deiotaras; Cicero however in his speech for 
DdotamSy addressed to Caesar himself, makes ont that Deiotams 
provided funds with the utmost readiness. 

^ cem^utaraf] only here in Cicero : 'had made his reckoning * ; that is, 
'had reckoned how much he wanted, or how much Deiotams was in a 
podtion to provide*. 

31 tärar€kid\ Galatia: the word (rerpa/)x(a), originally meaning the 
rnle over a fourth part of a country, had come to be used of any small 
district held by a tributary prince; there were originally zi tetrarchs in 
Galatia, four for each of the three Gallic tribes that occapied that 
conntiy« 

uttum} Mithridates of Peigamam, a natural son of the great 
Mithridates; Dio XLii. 48, [Caes.] bell. AL 78. Caesar gaye a part of 
Annenia to Ariobarzanes of Cappadoda« 



33 iiiwlff,.,imquffml Qcero is quoting from Antony*s real or pretended 
lex luüa de Deidaro, 

P« 34« I eempiexiü\ 'combination', 'complication*, or perhaps simply 
*repetition*» in which sense it was used as a rhetorical term, cp. ad 
Heren, iv. 90, where the example given is ''Who constantly broke 
Ueaties? The Carthaginians. Who waged a cruel war in Italy? 
The Carthaginians*' and so on. 
% , ad/m\ 'took the part of'» 'advocated the cause of. 

3 ilU\ Deiotaras» but Hie above is Caesar. ' Caesar never said that 
any demand that we made on behalf of Deiotams was in his Judgement 
aiairone'« 

4 eyngrapkdl *bond', 'promissory note*« 

legaiasl their names are mentioned in the speech pro Deiot« 41» 
Hieras» Blesamius» Antigonus» Doiylaus. 

5 Jk^uml «gnest friends'» in Greek llroc. 



XXXVIII 97] NOTES. 125 

<; gynaiceo\ tbere U inten tional sarcasm in the use of the Greek woid. 
In the Roman house there was no separate sitting room for vomoit 
both men and women alike using the atnumt the old-fashioned Roman 
of Cicero's day feit a great contempt for Greek ways and habits« 

8 medUtrt cemtö{ probably ui should be mentally supplied with the 
subjunctive, though some regard the ctnsto in sentences of this Jdnd ai 
parenthetic, and the subjonctive as used in a jussiTe sense* 

19«. 

II quibus\ dative of the indirect object R. § 1x39 foU.; it is a kind 
of *dativus incommodi'« 

iure consuUus\ the same form occurs Mur. 97; it is usaaU/ irnm 
constdtus, 

13 iste\ Manutius suggests that this is Sextus Clodius, Antony's teacher 
of rhetoric. 

14 äicit preferred by Orelli and read by Halm (ed. (Q in place o£ 
the äicii of the MSS. 

x6 suum sidt] sibi serves to strengthen the possessive suum ; logically 
the pronoun should be ^' as the subject of the nearer verb vtndera is 
Antony, though Deiotarus is the subject of the prindpal verb possedUi 
cp. Plaut. Trin. 156 nunc^ si iUe huc sahos revmit^ reddam suom sibi 
quoted by R. § 2265, see also R. § 1143 ^^^ says 'this use of sibi 
is only in Plautus, Columella, Terence Ad. 958, with an echo in 
Cic. Phil. II. 96 and perhaps in Am. § ii'. [This last instance, sibi 
suo tempore^ is of a different natura. J.S.R.] 

vendcres\ the force of the subjunctive with pritu quam may be 
rendered by translating *without waitlng for you to seil him what was 
his own*. 

§97. 

19 commentariis] * memoranda * : chirographis ' autograph notes*. 

ao imitaiores\ cp. an exactly parallel passage in N. D. .Iil. 74 id quoqut 
Lt AUftusfecit cum chirographum sexprimorum imiiatus est ; there were 
people who 'imitated', that is, forged, memoranda purporting to be 
Caesar's and made money by selling them. The reading institorts 
adopted by Orelli and HM. after Pantagathus has no authority. 

az gktdiatorum libdlos\ handbills, sold in the streets, announdng 
approaching combats of gladiators with the names of the combatants« 



126 ORATIO PHJUPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXVIII 97 

Bnis of this kind were sometimes afiSzed to the walls and some of 
■^ tbese Botioes have been found in Pompeii. 

B'Psj ixfend€aüur\ in an earlier period when the old oopper bars, stamped 
^ with sQme device, but with no fixed indications of weight, were in 
■ff circalation, sums of money were regularly reckoned by weight, to which 
■^f piactice we owe our word ' expense ' {expenäere * to weigh out *). Cicero 
^ is probably romancing here» but q>. PhiL lll. 10 at vero kuiut dornt 
wM inUr quasilla pendibatur aurum, numerabatur pecunia. 

«4 avaritid\ probably an ablative of description, the subject of est being 

isii (Antony) ; it is possible however that Cicero is personifying aifaritia, 

'but bow blind is avarice I ' 

'i S5 CnUrtsium] Crete was conquered by Q. Caecilius Metellus (who 

gained therefrom the co^ftomen Creticus) and made a Roman province 

jf with Cyrene in 61. In June 44 Antony induced the Senate to pass 

a resolution appointing M. Brutus over the province of Crete and 

I C. Cassius over Cyrene with proconsular powers. 

Uberanturl freed from the provincial tax sometimes called tributumf 

[ which must be distinguished from the tribuium which had been levied 

on all Roman dtizens up to the year 167, cp. § 93 L 18. Lange iii*. 

504 points out that Caesar may have intended to treat Crete and 

Sidly as he did Gallia Cisalpina, whose inhabitants he made civis 

Homant, whereby they were freed from the tribuium* Of course Crete 

would not thereby cease to be a province, as Cicero chooses to assume. 

S7 €<mstriHgiHdus\ * tö be fettered * as a lunatic. 

08 dicessuml ' departure ' from the province; not 'decease', though the 

words are the same. 
«9 nihä odBrutum] Caesar had intended Brutus to be in charge of the 
province of Maoedonia, which was changed by the Senate, after bis 
murder, to Asia and then to Crete. It is dear then that Caesar could 
not have ananged that Crete should cease to be a province at the close 
. of Brutus' govemorship, when he had never intOMled Brutus to have 
«nything to do with it 

30 iu..,putäis\ ' that you may not think that no result'was achieved' ; 
ibr the phrase nikil agire 'to achieve a worthlesi resnlt' see Mayor 
oa Jnvenal x. 155, Reid on Acad. ii. 16. 

31 /«n&&ü£r] aaother exaggeration« 

muMmdl 'in a woid no one proposed to buy anything, but Antony 
was leadyto seil it*. 



XXXVIII 99] NOTES. . 127 

IM. 

99 de exsul&us kgim\ q>. VhSL v. ii mHhtdaui d i rtxuUtpmHkgitim 

fixisti\ lawi wer« interibed cm troote tabletiv which were pal vp 
(*affixed') in the* reoord department of the sermrütm or poUie 
tretsary; ep, Soet« Caes. «8 Un iam im ms imcitm H im mam rimm 

^utdiiüm 

33 € tt /am i / a fi m] qk note on 1 56 L 3a 

p» 85« I rwdttus mpaiuUat] Caesar had aIlow«d loin« cxfles to letam» 
and the special favour gianted tbem was *taniisbed' bj Antoiij*fe 
Indiscriminate xccall of thoee exiles whom Caesar had Üunofjbtmawoifihf 
oftheprivilege. 
3 fv/Sbfvt /»!•/]' are left over*; cp. note on| 13 L 5. 

5 pairm\ whom he had refused to restora dtuing his tribmieshipiqpw 

€um\ slightly conoessiTe, almost«' althon^^ % henoe the mood. 

6 «mnmMw]Antonitu(theande)hadbeenexpeUedbjtheceiiMcsfiraai 
the Senate with 63 others in bxl 70 ibr Tarioos oflCenoes^ and tfacfcfbra 
it would natoxallj exdte laughter and indignation when Antonj tuiged 
him to stand for the ofBce of censor. His expnlsioQ fem tlie aenate 
did not last for long : Dramann z; p. 533* 

199. 

8 €omUia\ the comiiia anturiaia, Which would be hdd by Antony as 

CODSOL 

9 sifustrum\ the Romans in augury looked to the south» hence the 
west, the quarter of the setting sun, and therefore unlucky, was on 
their right band; consequently dextrum should mean unlucky from a 
Roman point of view, though no instances of the word in this sense are 
quoted, but sinistrum is often used in the sense of 'iavourable': the 
Greeks however looked to the north, so that to them the right band was 
lucky, the left unlucky. Cicero is here dearly adopting the Greek 
usage, whereby sinistrum means unlucky, whence our word 'sinister'* • 

10 tmUal * of no account '• 

ttiorum] sc. inienst^ which may be constructed with a genitive of the 
person interested or with the ablative Singular feminine of the possestiTe 



^mn 



128 ORATIO PHJLJPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXVIII 99 

pioooun, as here tua ini€nst\ q>. Att xiv. 16 § 3 magtU inUrest 
CicerMit vel mea poHus vH nukeradi täriusqui nu iniervenin disantix 
R. § 198^ 1185. 

ti s€ptemviraiti[ acommission of seven persons appointed by Antony 
«nd his brother Lucius to parcel out certain lands in Italy among his 
Partisans. References to it are found in various passages of the 
Fhüippics, cf. V. 7, VI. 44, viii. 96, xi. 13, xii. 90, 93. Five of the 
oommissionen are known, the two brothers Marcus and Lucius Antonius, 
Dokbella, NucuU and Lento, leaving tvro unknown (Halm*s Introd.: 
note 169 ; Lange iii*. 503 misinterprets Cic Att XV. 19 § 9). The 
vnde C. Antonius was first proposed as a member and then 'left in the 
lurch * by his nephew (dittituisti). 

la iniertfeuitl 'for a person intenrened whom» I suppose, you were 
afinaid you could not refuse without peril to yourself '• Madvig, quoted 
hf M^ says this was either Nucula or Lento. 

14 debebas\ noüce that the apodosis to the protasis si.,,€$sd is yirtually 
oontained in the infiniüve colere^ and when such is the case it is usual to 
put the auxiliary verb {debeo^ possum^ cportet &c.) in the indicative, which 
* convcys a positive expression of duty, possibility, right &c' R. §§ 1564» 
1566. 

15 ßUam\ Antonia. 

t9ronwi\ 'cousin*» in füll toror patruelis^ bnt the adjective is dropped 
when the context prerents any possibility of mistake» so y^nü^scousin 
in Att X. 5 § X ; LS. wrongly says that this usage is post-Augustan. 
The Word comobrüms^ firom which comes our ' cousin *, is properly the 
child of a mother*s sister, but was used generally of all cousins-german. 
Antony seems to have divorced his cousin for the sake of Fulvia. 

19 tedenU patruo\ this shows that C. Antonius had been recalled from 
exile, probably by Caesar, before 44, though his nephew had refused to 
zecall him in 48, cp. § 56. 

so stuprutn\ as Dmmann remarks Antony would hardly have advanced 
the chaige of adultery in a iiill Senate had there not been some ground 
tat it, though Cicero calls Antonia pudUisnma ftmina. 

31 intirprdari\ for interprOari with dependent interrogative clause in 
sense of 'dedde', LS. ooly quote Liv. x. 93 fuqtu^ rtett an pirperam^ 
ittUrpretüri cp. Att XV« 96 f 9 gucd ptaU HH videntur ut passet 
ittUrpTtUuru 

S4 dixarU\ thb word, placed at the end of the sentenoe, must be 
mentally snpplied after temOUt DMbtlUsm^ and oudieHU. It was 



..<L*.i*vlk-: 



NOTES. 



X29 



XXXIX zoz] 

thameless of Antony to make such a Charge in the Senate, outrageous 
to accuse Dolabella with it, disgusting to speak of it before the eider 
Antony, cruel to bring such a foul Charge against Antonia« 



§100. 

95 quae\ ' what enquiry into them was there on your part ? ' 

97 qua£ quideml * that is to say, such as Caesar had (really) performed': 
for the restrictive subjunctive cp. § 7, 1. 31. 

98 Ufa] that supply of * autographs ' that you possess. 

30 JiTa/. Zun,] cp. PhiL i. 6 iccg mim JCalindis luttiist quihis tti aäati» 
mus idixerant (Antony and Dolabella), mutata omma: nihil per 
senatum^ multa et magna per populum^ et ahsente popuh ei motte, 
Antony found the process of Consulting with the Senate aboat Caesar*s 
acta too slow, and promulgated a law of his own in April by which the 
' acts of Caesar ' were confirmed. 

consilio] a bench of assessors, chosen from the Senate t the sabject of 
cognosceretii is Antony and Dolabella, see last note* 

39 ad quas\ * on (at) which' : ^ibm might have been used as in PhiL i. 
6 quoted above. 

33 peragrati5\ Antony left Rome in April and spent some time in visit- 
ing the various colonies of Veteran soldiers in order to win them over to 
his cause, cp. Att. xiv. ai § a, writtcn la May, nosti virum {Baiöum\ 
quam tectus, sed tarnen Antoni consilia narrabat : ülum cireumire vett* 
ranoSf ut acta Cacsaris sancirent idque sefacturos esse iurarent, ut arma 
omnes habcrent eaque duumviri omnibus mensibus inspicerent. 

P« 36« I mense Aprili aique Maiö\ Maio is added as an afterthought, 
hence the singular mcnse^ contrast § loi arationes Campana ei Leoniina, 
9 Capuam\ Capua was already a colony of Roman Citizens establlshed 
by Caesar B. c. 59, cp. Suet. Caes. ao, Vell. 11. 44, and therefore^ 
as Cicero argued, Antony could not legally conduct a firesh colony 
thither, cp. below § 103. Capua, which before 309 was a flourishing 
municipal town, was then degraded and lost most of its political rights. 

4 paene non abieris^ Antony's proceedings at Capua seem to have 
caused a disturbance imperilling his life. 

§ 101. 

cui\ »and this town (Capua) you are now threatening'. 

5 conerel supply eo deducere eotmiam * to conduct a colony thither*. 



xzo ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XXXIX xoy 

B ülud paine\ "thatword 'almost'": Cicero would like it to be no 
- loDger Said that Antony had 'alinost' failed to escape alive from Capua. 
^ prandiorum apparhtus\ *elaborate luncheons', Romaos in good 
health and of simple habits took only two meals in the day, the first 
called prandium (sometimes ientaculum) probably about 9 or 10 a.m., 
and then cena (dinner) about i or 9 p.m., but people of more fashionable 
babits took three, ieniaculum a very slight early breakfast, prandium 
lonch, cena about 3 p.m. a meal which lasted some time. Note that to 
lender cena by 'supper* is absurd. 

8 tl/Zs] 'thefollowing'; cp. «^fA/in§ 3. - 
agrum,„dkndeku\ the sentence is slightly ungrammatical, because 

one expecttf a verb to which qui should be the subject: it would have 
been quite regulär if Cicero had written pti dt veetigalUnu exemptus,,. 
miognum infligere reiptdflicae volnus vidihaiur. 

de tfectigalibusl supply agrisi cp. Suet Caes. 30 agmm Campanum 
cd subsidia rei publiau vecHgalem relictum^ divisii extra sortem aÜ 
viginti millibus civium, cp. above, § loo 1. «• 

9 iamen\ 'nevertheless'» Le. notwithstanding that it was assigned to 
-•oldiers. 

10 eompransoribus\ a word coined for the occasion: in modern phrase 

*jdur companions of the luncheon and the card table*. 
XI divMdebas\ mark the tense 'were for dividing*, 'proposed to divide*. 
13 Leontino\ cp. note on § 43 1« 17. 

qucniam guidem] 'since indeed*; these words give the reason for a 
thought which had rapidly passed through the writer*s mind but had not 
been expressed, such as ' our loss is evident, since indeed *, &c. 

araitanet} cultivated domain lands, paying a tithe (usually) of the 
produce: the occupants of these lands were called aratores^ cp. Phil. lu. 
93 en cur magister eins (Sex. Clodius) ex oratore arator /actus sit, 
15 grandi/erae] 'fertile*, a veiy rare word. Dr Reid doubts the forma« 
tion and suggests that Cicero may have written graniferae^ a word only 
qnoted by LS. from Ovid Met vii. 638 in a different sense. 

Jructuosae\ * profitable '» pexhaps from fructus in its derived sense of 
.'profit'» 'revenue*» rather than in sense of 'froits', 'produce': cp. Off. 
III. 5 tota phiUiophia ett/rugiferu eifruetuosa. In Phil« Yiu. a6 Cicero 
sajB these domains were annanag per/ugia. 
medica} hit name it nnknown. 



XLxo3] NOTES. 131 

§102. 

19 Casi/inum] Cicero says Att. xvx. 8 (written 9 Nov.) that .Octavian 

had wen over the veterans stationed at Casilinum, a town near Capua; 

q>, VelL II. 61 €• Caaar (Octavian). ..a Casäino väeratios ixdvU 

paiamoi, 
«o cansulmstt] 'you consulted me it is true (quidem) by letter aboot 

Capua, bttt I should have given you the same answer about Casilinmn'' 

(if yott had consulted me, as I did about Capua). 
91 possesne\ this is the purport of Antony's enquiiy: (yoa asked me) 

'whether you could', &c. 

33 auspicaio\ 'under proper auspices*: this absolute nse of the ablativtf 
of the perfect passive participle is not uncommon in Cicero^ bot 
widely extended in later Latin. 

34 adscribt\ *enrolIed': though a new colony oould not be taken 
a place where there was already one properly established« yet 
individual colonists could be added to the register of the old* 

47 vexUlum tolleres] a colony proceeded to its destination in rnüitar^ -*^ 
Order with a flag {vexi/lum), cp. leg. agr. II. 86 illuä Cam/anae 
coloniae; on arrival the ground to be occupied was marked out with 
plough : the flag and the plough are sometimes found on coins Struck b^" 
Roman colonies. Roman colonisation was almost universally connect< 
with military Service. 

ap perslnnxis/t] * grazed ', perhaps praeslrinxisH should be read : in 1< 
agr. II. 6t perslringere aratro is used of 'just cutting through* a hard soi^ 
with the plough. 

§103. 

31 Casinateml Casinum now represented by M. Cassino about 
miles from S. Germano and eight from Pontecorvo. Here lived for 
time the most leamed of the Romans, M. Terentius Varro, bom xi 
died 37. He is said to have written 490 books or treatises, among th< 
the de lingua Latina^ in 14 books, of which a great part remains. 

33 qm orel • with what face* ; so we say • how had you the face to do it? ^ 
'cheek ' is an exact but vulgär equivalent of os in this sense. 

p. 37. I et si ab hasta\ *and if (you came into possession of it) by 
purchase at an auction ' : Antony asserted that it was purchased from 
Caesar at the time of the Alexandrian war when Varro was fighting on 
the side of Pompey. 




ri 



132 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XL 103 

zfolea/l 'hold good', 'prevail': note that as &r as the word goes, 
vaUai might mean 'good bye to', '111 bave nothing more to say to', as 
in N. D. if 124. deifuU H maxtpu talis at dtus ut nuUa gratia nuUa 
Aaminmm caritaU teneatur vaUat, but this would not soit the sense here^ 
ibr a curioos instance of ambiguity cp. Att. iv. 5 § i seä valeaui recia 
Vera konata eonsUia^ wbere I think VtoL Tyrrell is right in explaining 
valeani as 'prevail*. 
• /o^fi/^l'billsofsale*. 

mcdo Caesarüt non hMil provided that tbey really are Caesar's and 
not yoor own fabrication. 

quihus,„Uheravisii\ (provided that they are those) *by which you 
liaTe incarred debt» not those by which you have freed yourself from 
debt*. Antony bought property at sales without paying for it ; on the 
other band by getting possession of the treasures left by Caesar in the 
temple of Ops he freed himself from bis gaming and other debts: thus 
tahtloi is used in two senses, (i) 'handbills of sale*, and so 'auctions *, 
(ii) 'accoimt books' of the möney stored in the temple, and so denoting 
the money itselC 
6 i/sum1 *of oonrse it was too much trouble to wait for Caesar 
bimselfl' 

§104. 

9 guüff H eHam] 'again, what if Caesar even sent you written Instruc- 
tions to restore ' ( Varro*s property) ? 
10 im/udaUia] your shamelessness in not restoring it* 
IS a/iam eaussam €sse\ lit. ' that there is one case of Caesar's auction, 
another of your' &c«: translate more freely * that Caesar*s auction rests 
on difierent grounds from your' &c« : that is, if Caesar chooses to seil 
confiscated property (as he did Pompey's), well and good, but your 
andadty in seizing Varro*s property is imjustifiable. 

13 confidentiat d Umeritaiitl 'your unabashed temerity*, 'unblushing 
andadty 'x €9nfide9itm is often used in a bad sense, as our ' confidenoe' 
aometimesis. 

14 /ivocm^] 'Steward', ' bailiff'; any one who 'looks after' (procurat) 
the affiurs of another ; the word is familiär in its abbreviated form of 
'pcoctor'« 

17 perba€€kahu\ the Compound is apparently coined by Cicero: bacchari 
it commoo* 

ab Jbm UrUd^ firom abont 9 a.m« 



^MtaMMMMMMBMM 



MHiMM^S^B 



XLI io6] NOTES. 133 

18 ipsa\ the 'very' hoase is to be pitied, q>. § 69 iw^ quidem mistnt 
paridum ipsorum atque Uciorum, ^ 

quam dispari domind\ the quotation is given more fuUy in OfL 1. 139 
domus antiqua^ heu quam dispari dominare d^mino. The source is 
unknown. Supply here dominamim or damnaniur, either the second 
or the third person being odmissible. HoIden*s reference to the present 
passage in his third edition requires correction. 
ai voluit] notice Omission of issi. 
libidinum] ' debauchery *• 
. dcversorium'\ * a retreat ' : a place to turn aside to, from deverio» 

§103. 

93 iura,»,doetrinae\ see Mommsen IV. 634 foU.» 646 foU., for a sketdi ' 
of Varro*s varied literary activity; ainong his works may be mentioned 
d€ Ungua latina^ de n rustica^ antiquüates rerum humanarum et divi^ 
fiarumt de vita populi Romanik saiurae Menippeae : cp« Cicexo's brief 
sketch of his works in Acad. I. 5. 

95 inquilinö\ connected with incolere^ incoht cp. eeus and equos, coeus 
and coquoSf qtiatio and incuiiot quam and cum &c. : the word does not 
often occur : it means a lodger or tenant, as opposed to the dominus or 
owner. 

non enim domino\ briefly for non enim U domino dicam * for I won*t 
say when you were master *. 

97 Casino] from Casinum, near which town was the villa Casinas of 
Varro, cp. § J03 1. 31. 

Aquinol a few miles from Casinum, in the direction of Rome, on the 
via Latitia, 

Interamnd\ said to be Teramo, a small village on the river Garigliano 
(the ancient Liris), south of Casino. 

38 obsoleßebantl ' were sullied ', ' degraded ' : obsolesco (from obs^ob and 
olesco 'to grow')=3*.to decay*, 'wear out*; sometimes used of things 
* fading out ' of memory : ob strengthens and adds a notion of complete« 
ness to the verb, K. § 3025. 

§106. 

30 Aqmnum\ see above. 

utesi\*z& it is a populous town *; i.e. as you would expect, oonsidering 
that it is a populous town. 



t34 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XLI xo6 

^ii magna sanii ' qoite a consideimble '• 

cpirtiii ' with dosed litter ', ie. with the cnrtaint drawn, opposed to 
mpirtaU€tica9\iiQn^%ffi* 
% iiulii\ sap^Xyftcemnt. 

A Anagmui\ Anagnia was situated a few miles to tHe right of the via 
Zxttina and on high groand, hence devii and tUscemUrunt, 

Dm 38« X tamquam n €ssd] sapply cühsu/, Cicero always refused to 
icgard Antony as a properly elected oonsul, cp. note on § lo 1. 8. 
• mcndi^ilt] after some hesitation I have adopted the reading suggested 
in a fdotnote to Orelli's edition incndibiU dktu «i/, tarnen vüinüs inter 
amnis €onstabai va preference to Madvig's ...«i/; udium vüinus; inier 
amnis eonttahai^ which HM. adopt«. 

3 resaluiaiuml for similar rudeness on the part of Nero cp. Suct 37 
. eerie mque advemms ne^ui profieiieens pumquam oscuio imperiiii^ ac m 

reta iutati one quidem, 

praeurHm eum] ' and that too thongh \ cp. note on § ^ 1. 13. 

4 Musielam] cp. § 8. One would lancy firom Att. xvi. zi § 3 that 
Cicero in the ßat draft of his speech omitted to mention the names of 
the two inhabitants of Anagnia, and that Atticus had asked their names, 
to which Cicero replies Attagnini ttini Mustela rat(^l^>x^t ei Laeo qui 
fiunmuM bibtL 

fM^rum} in modern phrase * ooe of whom is master of the sword, the 
oCherofthebottle*. 

§107. 

, 7 Sidicin^l dwellers in the district between Interamna and Suessa. 

/W«0AiiMr] the people of Puteoli, now Puzzuoli, a fashionable 
watering place on the ooast of Campania. 

5 patronos\ the patron of a town or province was one who looked after 
its affiurs in Rome: ^'it was an old custom for Single colonies, munidpal 
and piovindal towns, as well as whole provinces,^ to place themselves 
nnder the protection of one or more Romans of position and influence, 
who^ as their painnU^ undertook ibr themselves and their descendants 
the daty of appearing on behalf of their respective communities in all 
legal qnestions in which they might be concemed, of advandng their 
interests to the best of their power» of snpporting individual membezs in 
Uwsoits in I(ome» and of lending them private and personal hdp when 
sequired.*' IdM« nr« 505. The paironi weie often the foonders 
{ßreanri^ of the cplony, or their descendants.* Tbit ^(«0*^^ >aa^^«L "^^^ 



TT» 



XUI 107] NOTES. 135 

protectioQ of a paUmuu were called has clUmtes. One sees boe ft 
tjitem which might have beenderelopedinto areprcsentaÜTepariiamcnt 
for the Roman world. 

magm..^tse\ ' and they (treated them) with great xeal &&, aot is 
thej did 7011 and BmUos with violence and foice of arms, 70a and 
othen like joUf wliom no one woold caie to have aa dients, süich ka 
to be your dient '• The sentence ii to our noUons awkwardly eipressed 
iioin Üie abience of the verb. 
9 Büsiluml nothing seems known of this penon : no doubt be was a 
member of the^w Miuucia to which bdonged Z« Mi$utcius BasÜMy 
one of Caesar's murderen. 

1 1 non modo\ a cariout inversion of the osiial non moda,,.sed ttiam : not 
only woold no one care to be their dient but he would not even care to 
have them as bis dienti ; this ii expressed by saying ' whom no one 
would care to have as bis dients, not only (would no one care) to be 
their dient * : consequently um» fMdo is here equivalent to mduwh as 
the simple ncn sometimes is« 

IS qui ifus] so Cicero Phil. I. 30 addressing Dolabella says fuem fota 
neordari in vita iUuxisst tibi diem ItuHorem quam cum expiaio Joro^ 
' dissipato cofuursu impiorum„Ae donmm reeepistif this was at the end of 
April. 

13 buttusiC[ this sepulchral monument, erected by the impostor Amatios 
on the spot where Caesar's body had been bumt, was in the form of a 
column, cp. Suet. Caes. 85 solida columna prope viginti pedum lapidis 
Numidici ; Phil. i. 5 eversio iliitu ixsecratae columnae (called bmtum a 
few lines before) ; Att. xiv. 15 § 3. Dolabella put down with a strong 
band the rising disorder in Rome after Caesar's death. 

15 conddisti] * you coUapsed ' ; so in Greek ^vfircataf. 

.16 de caelo detraxisti] * you pulled him down from the heaven of his 
renown', by bribing him: cp. Att. 11. 19 § 3 Bibulus in cado est, 
XIV. 17 A (addressed to Dolabella) cum te summis laudibus ad cadum 
extulerunt\ the whole letter is füll of the most extravagant eulogy ; in 
the next letter Cicero writes to Atticus in a different tone, having heard 
of the bribery, Kai, lan, debuit, adhuc noti sdvit^ praaeftim cum se 
maxifiio aerc aliena Fabtri inattu liberavit et Opern (observe the pun) ab 
eopetierit\ in Att. xvx. 15 § 3 he speaks of him as emptus pecunia^ 

18 disHmilisl so Phil. I. 5 Gcero extolllng Dolabella's former conduct 
says ut mihi mirum videatur tarn valde rdiqwm tempus ab iilo umo dii 
diuensiise. 



13« ORATIO PHIUPPICA SECUNDA. [XLII 108 

S108. 

qui[ cp. S 7^ ^ f<^!^ Narbom ntUius. 
19 Cinmamiuk BX. 87 Cmna, deprived of his consulship and banished 

finom Rome, joined forces with Marius and besieged Rome. They 

entered the dty and ' devastated it with slaughter and rapine \ Liv. 

^it. 80. Cicero was then 40 years old. 
90 Stillami Sulkys supremacy lasted from 89 to 79; the proscription 

took place In 8«, in 80 Cicero defended Sex. Roscius of Ameria, who 

was one of Sulla's victims. This was the first caussa pMUa in which 

heengaged. 
«I abuandUil Cicero is surely grossly exaggerating in representing 

Antony as making a greater show of violence than Cinna or Sulla. 
«9 nte ita muU%[ this ose of ita with a negative and qoalifying an adjec« 

tiTe or adverb seems to be chiefly Ciceronian : we should say 'not so 

many after all' : cp. Phil. l.*j nee ita multum prevectus reitcttu austro 

suMf *and when I had not gone so veiy far after all» I was driven back 

by a southerly gale*. 
«3 suuMiurI the subject is indefinite, 'men foUow'« Cicero compares 

Anton/s armed followers to an army marching in a compact body with * 

the boggage in the centre, a disposition adopted in traversing a hostile 

coontry, or when a sndden attack was feared. 

saUarum lecHau] 'littersfnl of shields'» a curioos tue of the genitive 

of sort or material, R. § 1304. 
94 Mif ittveUrüHsl ablative absolnte: 'these practices hare now become 

diranic and we have been hardened to them by tue*. 
«5 €um\ slightly concessive» hence the mood. 
s6 mäu perUrrüil ' panic-stricken' : cp. Phil. 1. 6 eonsuUs tUsignaii nega» 

bontu ßuiert im sinatum vemn^ patrioi liberahra wrbe eanbant^ &c. 

Cicero adds that he himself preferred hearing of the doings at Rome to 

sedng them, and so kept away. In the beginning of June he was at his 

Tascnlan Tilla« 

§10». 
VI fu{[ *as ooe who did not need a Senate': pu^cum is in causa] 



«8 rnftte] the m^m conclates with the f«r after siatimi the Greeks and 
Romans sometimes say 'neither...and ', an idiom which is foreign to us ; 
'he miiikir missed anyone..uun/immediately performed those marvelloiis 



wm^tt^^ta 



XLII 109] NOTES. 137 

cxploits ', thai tbe vsage is almott equivalent to 'not oiil/iiot...bot also*. 
Tbc wordi std ttfint InHnhtt ttt sie »>a> i>«tK»*M**l- 

•9 fiw]»nMw tf *ÜK»ch he*, in conce id f e «enie, cp» bdow nm» dfatoi^ 
'tboogh he was bonnd'. 

%l €mtaUtri\ 'shake to its foundatknit'* 

|a mtwurum,, » ß t wvpufä ] 'he estended the number of jean for die 
tennre of pnmnces', ep. Phfl. 1. 19^ wheie the old nale enacted bjCaesar 
if ftated m prü^Urku prtmmiüt plus quam tmmum fuoephts quam Utih 
mum cmtulans ^kiMtrmhtr^ Y. 7 trihtni piM tuUrumi de /rmnncSs 
€9Mirm miU C. Cüitarit: ilU Hmmum^ kiuxmniumi in yill. eS, AtL 
ZV. II § 4 five Tem (gmwftmmimm) it named as the time: in the 
former case the year of socoesiion is probably taken into accoont 
(Mommsen in HM. Introd. note an). From Phil, v* 7 we gather that 
the change only affected the consohr provinces, and perhi^ was onljr 
intended by Antooy to apply to Dolabella and himself. Notice that the 
bill was brought in bj the tribanes at the soggestioa of Antony; his 
brother L. Antonios was ooe of them. 

fl 39. I ptiblids] rSus mnst be mentally sapplied with pMids and 
privaiis^ which are of the feminine gender, from the previons daase^ 
otherwise Cicero woold probably not write in publicis (neater) for 'in 
public afiairs*, bat cp. Q. Fr. L i § 33 publicis maU rtdempüs^ qooted 
by Draeg. i'. § 91. 
3 sine promulgatioui\ cp. § 6 L 19: *he annuUed some (of Caesai's) 
laws by others which were never promulgated*. 

ut tolUrei promulgaoi£\ 'he promulgated others in order that he 
might annul* (Caesar's). 

5 infimis civibus] dative of 'the indirect object' or 'person interested', 
here almost a dative of the agent; this dative is in Cicero chiefly con- 
fined to the perfect participle, cp. Oft lii. 38 honesta enim öcnis viris, 
nan occuUa quaeruntur. Madv. L. G. § 350 a. 

6 horHi\ cp. Suet. Caes. 83 populo kortos circa Ttberim ^uilice^ et 
viritim trtcenos sattrtios Ugavit, 

7 Scipionis] P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, who being adopted hy Q. Cae- 
cilius Metellus Plus acquired the name Q. Caedlius Metellus Pias Sdpio, 
He seems to have been spoken of indiflferently as P. Scipio Nasica, 
Q. Metellus Scipio, P. Scipio Metellus, or Scipio simply. He was 
consul with Pompey in 53, His villa was mentioned above, S 43. 



P.P. 



la 



X38 ORATip PHILIFPICA SECUNDA. [XLIII xio 
/) Suo. 

8 €t\kfcä introducing an inUignant question cp. § 39 1. 8. 
so pubnnttr\ a soft-cnshioned cotich placed before the statue of a god 
at the time of the UcHstemium or *feast of ooaches' : the puhnnar is 
figored in SDA« ^UcHsUmium*. The use of one, as an attribute of 
divinity, had been gnmted by the Senate to Caesar. Dr Reid thinks the 
reference here is to the puhnnar placed in the circus oo the occasion of 
the p9mpa Ciremsis^ a solemn procession in connexion with the luäi 
Jl§9uuü and other pnblic festivals; such a pompa was allowed Caesar, 
cp. Soet quoted on L iz and Festus p. 364 Unsam ait voeari Sinnius 
CapiU vehUulum quo txmntte tUorum ludicru Cinensibus m arcum ad 
^uhfinar vekuniuri cp. Cic Att. xiil. 44. 

simiila£nuH\ commonly used of the image of a divinity, and, as such, 
tbe ris^ of having one of himself was granted to Caesar. 

fasiigium\ *a pediment'» a form of roof chiefly appropriated to 
temples. The Senate allowed Caesar to erect one on the front of his 
honse, thus making it resemble a temple; hence the fastigium is here 
classed with the other divine honours bestowed on him. The night 
before Caesar's murder his wife Calpumia dreamed conlabi fastigium 
damust Soet. Caes. 8i. 

IX ßamitumi each deity had a special priest, called t^ßamen, to wait on 
liim. Antomus was made Caesar's ßamen, cp. PhiL xiil. 41 cmus^ 
kom» iMgratimme^ßaminium cur reliquiiät § 47 Caesar (Octavianus) 
€uimpatrisßamif$ ist, Snetonius Caes. 76 thus ennmerates the honours 
gnnted to Caesar; ampiicra etiam huntano fastigio dtarm sibi passus 
€sif Mtdem aurtam in curia et pro trihunali^ tensam et ferculum Circmti 
fompa^ timpia^ aras, simsUacra iuxta doos^puhituur^ßasninim^ Luporcot^ 
üppeüaiiouim mcnns e suo uomisto* 

xs dwo\ thbis perhaps the first instance of the word tßvos applied tothe 
deceaied head of the State; it afterwa^ became the reoognised epithet of 
the departed emperor. At the same time, as Caesar was wonhipped as 
' Juppiter Julius' during his lifetime, he may have been called äkfos even 
thcn; cp. Db xuv. 6. 

13 ismuguraris'l 'why are yoa not installed?' the ceremony of instalU- 
tioo of 9^ßamiu was performed by the Pontifez Maximus. 

M^] *look for soineoiie to insUlyoa' t fw^Srrvin the sense of ^ 
IS not nncommoiu 



■ ■'»«'■■■'■ .'i '"T t'fU 



XLIII uo] NOTES. 139 

14 ' she quc(l\ for the form of the sentence cp. § z6 L 1% where liowever 
the interjection U followed by the nominaüve. 

16 hodumus dies\ Sept. zpth« on which day Cicero ought to hAve 
deUvered this tpeech. 

17 guartum] the ludi Homani lasted Sept 4 — z8. See the Calendan 
in MM. VI. p. 559 and in Wordsworth ' Fragments and Specimens of 
Early Latin* p. 370, from the latter of which it appean that the games 
on Sept. 15 — 18 had the special appellation of ludi Romani in circ^i to 
these games in the Circus Antony had added a fifth day, Sept. 19, in 
honour of Giesar, so that henceforth the ludi Rcmani lasted z6 days. 
The whole subject of these games is involved in great obscurity, as may 
be Seen by anyone who consults the varioas authorities. 

Z9 ^ra€textati\ it is by no means dear whether Cicero is here speaking 
in Üie capadty of augur, Senator or ex-curule magistrate: HM. (ed. 4, 
Z865) say * it seems that the augurs used their privilege of wearing th^ 
praetexta only on festivals or when engaged in the duties of their func- 
tion*: Manutius and others (followed by SDA. ^togii') considered that 
the Senators were entitled to wear the fraeUxta on festivals : lastly 
Plalm (ed. 6) follows MM. I. 353, note i in the view that Cicero is here 
speaking as one who had held curule office, and that such persons had 
the privilege of resuming the praetexta on festal occasions. Mommsen 
finds a similar reference to the praetexta of the ex-consul in Phil, vi II. 
33 non ita gerimus nos hoc hello consulares^ ut aequo animo populut 
Romanus visurus sU nostri honoris insi£ttia\ and Liv. Epit. 19. To the 
last-mentioned view I incline. 
30 honorem Caesaris] * honour paid to Caesar '. 

desert\ 'abandoned', 'disregarded*: for some reason or other the 
proposed celebration of Caesar on the fifth day of the ludi in cirto 
(Sept ipth) seems to have been disr^;arded. 

an supplicationes,,xonservd\ Cicero makes a general complaint of 
inconsistency against Antony, which resolves itself into two main heads, 
(i) he had proposed that the fifth day of the ludi in circo should be 
consecrated to Caesar and yet neglects to see that this proposal is 
carried out ; (ii) although constituted flamen to Caesar he yet n^lects 
to fulfil the duties otußamen^ as though he thought that the puhdttaria 
would be contaminated by being associated with the worship of a 
mortal, though he had not thought that the supplicationes were con- 
taminated by the addition to them of an extra day in Caesar's honour. 

12 — 2 



I40 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XLIII xio 

The oonfosioii seems to be caused by the twofold mentioa of an 
addiüonal day, (i) a day was added to the luäi üomani, an annual 
lestival ; (ü) a day was added to all suppUcatwms, which were testivals 
of nnceitain oocorrence. [It is hard to see how Antony avoided the 
€9$Uamtfiatio of the pUvinana by abandoning the extra day at the luJi 
Ronumu The puhfinar was decreed to Caesar gtneraily^ and would 
appear not merely oo the particular day, but whenever there were ludi 
CimMseSt for the/i^m/a was certainly not confined to the luäi Romani, 
Again the p0mpa optntd the games and did not dose them. Therefore 
cren if Antony abandoned the fifih day, Caesar's pulvinar must have 
already i4>peaied at the opening oeremony. Perhaps it was intended 
that there should be some very special celebration of the p0mfa in 
Ciesar's hononr on the fifih day. J.S.R.] 



§111. 

s6 ti..,mdin\ 'that you make your own profit and not bis dignity the 
Standard of all your actions \ 

«7 quid ad haee /attdem] snpply r^pondeiis, which is expressed after- 
wards, when the thread of the sentence is picked ap again after the 
paxenthesis. 

«9 a/ertiorem] 'still more open\ with a sly reference to the extreme 
'openness' of Antonyms dress on the particular occasion mentioned in 
the next sentence. 

50 sim/lids] 'straightforward*» 'simpleminded': there was no oonceal- 
ment or duplidty about you, argues Cicero ; you showed us your breast 
as well as your thoughts with equal openness. Notice the artful use of 
the ^hnntpeeius vidert^ which in reference to simpiids might mean 'to 
see your inmost thoughts' (cp. Am. 97 in qua (amieiiia) nisi^ ut dieüur^ 
apertum peeius videas tuumqui otttHdas^ nihii ßdum,„habeas) and is 
also intended literally in the sense of 'to see your bared breast*. 

31 iMr«rv] 'to open your month': generally nsed in a negative or 
qnasi-iiegstiYe sentence; only here in Cicero» 

m 

§118. 

p» 40. 3 dffimU} 'defend' this day, that is, defend your conduct on 
thisday. 



■- .r--...i.. -ir T^.^mi— J— — y— t» 



XUV113] NOTES. X4X 

5 valvoi Ccfuordiae] the folding doon of the temple of Concord; cp. 
Phil. V. z8 p^rtis vahu Concordiae^ from which it appean that the 
doors had to be closed for security« 

6 Iiyraeas\ cp. § 19: perhapt here the word it ool/ a gloss oa 
barbarot, 

8 miliensl miiiens perin or mori was provexbial» 'to die a thonsand 
deaths'; cp. Kab. 15 mortntur pnm...müi€nt Gracchus fuam &c. 

suä\ 'one'sown'. 

9 nullum esi\ *is a fiction'« 

§113. 

13 ista\ 'your arms '. 

14 äiuturnus\ more öden used of things than of persons. 
cteniml 'in fact*. 

15 quam,„describö\ 'whom I characterise withoat insult*; dcscribtrt is 
often used in an invidious sense, cp. Pis. 68 non coniumcliae caussa 
describam quemquam^ CaeL 50 si qua mulier sit huius modi qualem cgo 
paulo ante descripsi^ Hör. Sat. l. 4. 3 si quis crai dignus dtscriH quod 
malus acfur^ £p. II. i. 153 : contunuliae caussa is the opposite of honoris 
caussa, for which see § 31 1. la. 

16 tcrtiam pcnsioncvi\ cp. § 11» where Cicero says that Fulvia was 

fatale to her former husbands Clodius and Curio. He now says that 

she owes the State a third payment of tribute, she ought now to prove 

fatal to her third husband. I do not understand the explanation 

in LS. 

19 ipsa res publica] for the sentiment cp. the speech of Nikias to the 
Athenians in Sicily, Thuc. Vii. 77 XoVfi'ca^e d^, in avTol rc voXit 

Cl/^i^ iffT€^ OT<X OM KdOi^de, 

30 ulta est] by the deatli of Caesar. 

31 adulescetttis] Brutus and Cassius, both over 40 years of age; in § zx8 
Cicero speaks of himself as adulescens in B.C. 63 when he was in his 
44th year. The period of iuventus (or cuiulesccntid\ was considered 
to terminale in the 45th year, when men were no longer liable to be 
called on for active military service. So too O. W. Holmes (Autocrat 
a VII.) regards the 45th year as the starting-point of old age. 

%% quam volent illi] 'however much they (shall) please', formed like 
quamvis (however much you please), the verbal origin of which (from 



142 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDÄ. [XLIV 113 

qtmm and voU\ one is apt to lose sight of: cp. Verr. 11. a § loa ^uam 
voUHi multidiceni *as many as you please will speak'. 

§t$o €0ns$Umits\ cp« the Joint letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony 
written in May 44 (Fam. xi. iL%i)nosab initio spectasst otium fuqui 
gmcquam aliud UhertaU commum fuaesisse exitus dtclarat^ and § 3 cum 
dU ncbis eerium sii nos ptieiurosi D. Brutus was too old (not less 
than 75) to be here referred to among the aduleseenUSp but Cicero uses 
corresponding language to bim in Fam. xx. 5 § 9 ülud tarnen brevüer 
signi/Uandum videiur, po^um Romanum ümnia a ie exspectare atque in 
U alifuandp reeupera$idai überiaiis ommm spem pamn. 



§114 

«8 «0 tbis ttse of o/ ('yet notwitbstanding*) after a conditional or 
concessive clause is only fonnd in Cicero wben the preceding clause 
b negative or quasi-negative, thus bere / eonsptctu u abstulerunt is 
practically equivalent to ncn adsuHt\ tbis ai is often accompanied by 
itrUp tarnen^ saliem, Draeg. H. S. Ii*. § 334, 6: cp. below f 116 1. a6. 

50 Sp* Cassius] cp. f 87. 

3« primuml 'for tbe first time'; tbat is, they afforded tbe iirst instance^ 
since the expulsion of tbe kings, of persons wbo attacked» not an 
as]^rant to r^al power, but one actually possessing it. 

P» 41* 9 ixpositum adimiiattdumi * open for imitation ', *easy of Imitation'. 
proiserHm cum\ 'and tbat too tbougb', used, as often, in a con- 
cessive sense, cp. § 60 1. la : thougb their renown is too great for tbe 
World to contain, yet their example is easy of imitation^ a delicate hint 
tbat someone shonld assassinate Antony. 
3 €a€ldi *witbin tbe bonnds of tbe universe'* 



§115. 

7 diemi at tbe end of Kfarch or beginning of ApriL 
9 ^M^] 'compare it*. 

10 tuommptii snbjective genitive; 'traffidung practised by yourself 
and your friends*. 

iuerum.d laudem] note tbe alliteration, 'greed and glory*t cp. 
^me* Cool ig fiii aatdem ä üuderes et iattdänt. 



jtajtBatusiBKBa 



XLVxxö] NOTES. 143 

la siupcril 'deadness'« 

13 fadnoroti\ 'criminal'« 

15 aoocare\ *to call off' : hence 'avocation*, which thould not be used in 

the sense of vocation or ordinaiy occupation, as it often ii by cazeless 

writers and Speakers. 
17 isU modü\ *after yonr fashion', i^. by bringing anned retainen. 
^»iV///«Miiu/iiM j»/] another hint at assassination« 



§U6. 

1 8 vlros, . ,civis\ another good instance of 'chiasmus '• 

90 quae[ ' what sort of a life is it*. 

31 timenasuul *to have fears from one*8 own followers': a denotes 
the quarter from which the fear comes, cp. Sull. 59 a quo quidemi genirt^ 
iudiceSf ego numquam tintui\ so with tnetus^ Liv. ix. 44 wutut apraetort 
Romano^ and with nutiurex R. §1810. 

nisivero,„int€rfecius\ 'unless indeed you have persons bound to you 
by greater öbligations than were some of his murderers to him '• It is 
well known that many of the conspirators were under deep Obligation« 
to Caesar. 

34 ingeniumi ' genius, reasoning power, memory, Iiterary taste, careful- 
nesSy thoughtfulness, exactness' ; the words cura and cogUatio are often 
found in juxtaposition, as are also cura and diligentia ; no one of the 
three has an exact English equivalent : for the yery comprehenstve 
meaning of diligentia cp. de Orat. ii. 149, where, in the case of the 
public Speaker, it is made to include cura^ attentio animi, cogitatio^ 
vigiianiiat assiduifas^ lador; it is the equivalent of iucplßtia, indicating 
minute attention rather than mere application. 

a6 at tarnen] *yet for all that\ cp. note on § 114 1. 38 ; here eal€unUouu 
implies the negative notion ' not benefidal '• 

tnultos annos] opinions will always differ as to whether Caesar had 
for many years aimed at establishing a despotic rule : Cicero assumed it 
as self-evident. 

77 muneribusi gladiatorial shows. 

a8 monumentis] public buildings. 

€ongiariis\ eongiarium, sc. donum, meant originally a gift of wine to 
the amount of a congius (about six pints). Then it came to be ttsed of 
' wine money ' (* trinkgeld ') and so of any largess« For Caesar*« lavish 



144 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA. [XLV ii6 

expendituie as well as for the exhibitions and festivals which he 
famished at bis own expense see Suet. Caes. 38, 39 : yet he is said to 
have lednoed the nomber of recipients of grain at the public expense 
from 33o»ooo to 150,000^ Snet. Caes. 41« The stability of the Roman 
State was serioosly weakened by this perniciotu habit of keeping the 
mob in the capital in good temper by periodical largesses. 
•9 €UmenH4U speeul speeUs when thns used implies a false show or 
pretenoe, bot Cicero well knew that Caesar*s clemency was genuine and 
invariable^ eren bis enemies being agreed (as M. points out) that he was 
lemarkably indulgent to bis opponents. Curio however befbre he 
attached himself to Caesar agreed with Cicero, cp. Att. x. 4 § 8 ipsum 
muiem non voiuniaii aui natura non essi crudeUm^ sed quod populärem 
pmiofiäissecUmitUiam^ See M.'s note. [The temple of Caesar as luppiter 
Inliiii was nnited with that of dementia. J.S.R.] Cp. Flut. Caes. 57. 



§U7. 

pi 42« z inustd\ lit. 'which were bumt into the State*: we should say 
'with which the State was branded *. 

3 fUOfUum ettiqui cndent] not 'how much it tmsted each', as one 
m^;^ translate if one regarded the syntax alone without the sense^ but 
'how much it should trust each': this subjunctiTe is classed by Roby 
mder the head of jussive subjunctiTcs in dependent interrogatiTe 
■ cn t e n c ei , § i6ia: contrast this with äidkisu ptam tit pulckrum in L 5, 
te which see R. § 1758 foU. 

5 AM$^rAfjfniAM»]acceptablebythebenefititconfers. 

7 AcM«/] (br the mood cp. R.§ 1730. 



8 0etadamis tarditas\ *the slowness of opportunity': 'nor will men 

waat for the tardy arrival of the fitting moment'. 
II. quihtt §rtut Ht[ espedally the grandfather, whom Cicero held in 
csteem. Perhaps the preposition a should be inserted before quibust cp. 
. ICadTig on Fin. v. C^ Reid on Acad. i. 3. The best MS is defective 
bev^ haring rapki piano aii quiiutoriut sii* 
mtcumlwsjpjSliyndiimitatiatn. 



MiriMMHMiM 



XLVI 119] NOTES. 145 

it fv^lweshoiiMbqsinthuclanse with'batatanynte^ batinljum 
the abnipCnest cansed by the Omission of the advenadre partide adds 
iriTidne» to the style. 

13 vidait} 'bat as to yonr own conise of action yoa will see to that' : 
Videris is foture perfect, see Roby prell toL 1, p. d.— cviL 

€g^ di mi ißu /rtffittbor\ * I will speak for myself ' : i/u is to onr 
notioos somewhat redondant; notice that de wu i^ would stiit the 
English idiom better, but the other form is usual in Latin. ' 

14 aduUteems\ cp. note on § 113 1. ii. 

15 obtttUriwi[ beware of regarding this as an apodosis to n.,.poiesii 
tibtuUrim is probably to be regarded as an apodosis to a suppressed 
protasis sach as si neease fuerU^ and n„.potest is a kind of independent 
clause added afterwards : the whole sentence if expanded would nin 
thus *I should ofier (lit 'I should be found to have offered* perfect) 
my life willingly, if need should arise» in case the liberty of the State * 
&c, q>. R. § 1536, 1540; crtdidirim^ dixerim &c. are often so used, 
cp. § S5 !• 9 iiHut dixerim* 

16 ftpraesentari\ properly ' to present again *t ' to re-present': the word 
is often used in mercantile transactions in the sense of ' to pay back at 
once*, 'to pay ready money* : Cicero is fond of using it metaphorically : 
translate here ' if my death can ensure an early recovery of the liberty of 
the State '. 



iU9. 

z8 abhinc\ 'from the present time', *ago*: with this word the accusative 
marking duration of time is used in preference to the ablative, cp. R. 
§ 1093» and for apparent exceptions cp. § 1091 : [the passages where 
the ablative is given in Mss of authors before Gellius hardly amount 
to half a dozen, which fact is sufficient to condemn the usage altogether. 
The difference between anuis and annos to our mss writers was nothing. 
J.S.R.] • 

19 templö\ of Concord. Cicero refers to the fourth Speech against 
Catiline ; the ürst was delivered in the temple of Jupiter Stator, the 
second and third were contiones, 

n€gavi\ cp. Cat. IV. § 3 nam neqiu turpis mors forti vir» poUsi 
accidere neque immatura consulari neque misera sapienH, 

t2 adeptus tum,„unum ut] these words, which are omitted in the oldest 



\ 



146 ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECÜNDA. [XLVI 119 

MS, where they are added by a lecond hand, are snpposed to be a late 
attempt to fill up a gap. 
•5 €uipii*:fuisqu€\ for the repetiüon» compare the well-known nunt 
€musqui isesiquUqui* 

TroL Nettleship (Journal of Philology xxix. 35) commenting on the 
imion of Inminousness and beautj in Qcero'i style remarks on the 
ooQclnding paragiaphs of this speecfa : " such a pas8age...speaks home 
tö US with a ÜYing impreanoa of nnity and directness which we 
acknowlcdge withont question« We admire and aik for nothing more.** 



a?i«i^ 



"'*''**^4ii^l^*i«M»«|i«p«i 




INDEX TO THE NOTES. 



Tki refirmea an tu seeiion and Um* 



all6 9i,U8ii 

abhinc U9 i8 

ablative 1 9, 28 I9, 26 17, 81 ii» 

97 94, U9 18 
abstinere 5 6 
acceptum (referre) 12 1, iO ai» 65 

accidere 16 14 

accusative 48 4 

actus 84 13 

addictus 52 96 

adire (hereditatem) 42 5 

admirari 42 3 

adulescens 113 ai 

aerarium 98 31 

agere 11 13» (nihil) 97 30 

albus (an ater) 41 a6 

alienus 3 6 

alii 1 7 

Amatius 107 13 

amicitia 8 a 

Anagnia 106 33 

antesigpanus 71 31 

Antonia (soror patnielis) 99 15 

Antonius C. (patruos) 66 30, 98 6, 

99 i^ 
Antonius M. (pater) 42 5 
Antonius M. (avos) 42 13 
Antonius -M. (filius) 90 19 
Antonius M. and L. (fratres) 99 xx 
Apollinares (ludi) 81 15 
apparitor 82 39 



appellare 71 8 

Aquinnm 106 37 

at 21 33, 114 18 

at enim 3 13 

atque 1 7, 31 17 

attraction 64 13 

augur 4 17, 4 34» 6 so, 80 13, 81 

I7.«SI4 
auspicato 102 33 

Ballio 16 18 
beneficium 66 % 
Bibulus 23 13 
boni 29 ao 

Brundisium 6 30, 61 ip 
Brutus 96 15 — 17 
bustum 107 13 

Caesar L. 14 10 
calamitas 66 30 
caiceus 76 28 
Capua 100 a 
Casca 27 3 
Casilinum 102 19 
Casinum 103 31 
Cassius C. 26 19 
Cassius L. 86 aa 
Cato M. 12 37 
Catulus 12 33 
celari 32 36 
cella 67 33 
cena 101 6 



Z48 



INDEX TO THE NOTES. 



oensereMS 

Cbarybdis 67 13 

chirographum 811 

CiiDMr 27 3f ^ 

Cinna 108 19 ) 

drcumscribere 88 4 

cisum77 8 

Oodins P. 1 a, 81 16, 81 17* 

Qoditts Sex. 8 13, anothcr 8 «5 

oopere79 5 

coire 8i 30 

ooUigere 3 8 

oolonia 68 38 

comitia 81 17, reform of 88 33 

oommemoratio 51 16 

compellare M 19 

complexio 95 i 

Gompositio M a8 

conchyliom 67 19 

condusio 88 aa 

Concordia 15 a8, 18 I, US 5 

condonare 67 18 

congiarium 116 a8 

consistere 53 8 

constituere 11 13 

contingere 17 14 

contio 78 33, 86 8 

contra 18 30 

oonvomere 76 ii 

Cottal8 5 

Crasstts 7 34, 18 34 

CreU 97 35 

com (telo &C.) 8 7, 76 «8 

cnm 78 31 

cnpereS 16 

cnpide 58 30 

Curio C. 8 16, 46 3, 61 8 

Curio C (pater) 18 34 

Cytheris 20 13, 58 36, 69 16 

datite 109 5 
de die 87 30 
deooqaere 4A 30 
decr^um (ultunum) 61 13 
dediicere62 33 
Deiotanu98 33 
depnlsor 27 30 
desoenderel5 18 
dcfGribeiell8 15 



dexter 99 9 

dicere 25 9, (dicta) 68 1% 

dies 19 3 

düunctius 82 31 

diligentia 116 34 

divortium 69 16 

divos 110 13 

Dolabella 75 8, 107 13—18 

Domitius 27 14» 71 3z 

edictnm 8 o 

ellipse (verb) 88 33, 64 3(9 72 I3, 

76 3, 77 9, 80 9, 88 Z3 
— (preposition) 26 33» 87 xtt 

M 17. 76 33, 76 37 

(res) 40 33, 109 X 

emancipatas 51 9 
equi vectigales 68 36 
equidem 88 38 
equites (suflfragia) 82 3 
essedum 58 33 
et 89 8, 65 33, UO 8 
exciamare 28 8 
excutere 78 30 
expendere 97 33 

facere 47 30 

Fadius see Gallus 

familia 46 15 

fastigium HO 10 

ferre 30 38 

fidias 67 14 

figere 98 33 

Figulus 12 35 

flamen HO 1 1 

fructuosus 101 15 

frugi 69 15 

fui 19 5 

Fttlvia U 18, 48 3, 118 16 

Gallicae 76 38 
Gallus, Q Fadius 8 13 
genus 40 33 . , 

gerere 11 13 
gerundive 88 iz 
Glabrio 12 35 
Gnatho 15 30 
grandifer 101 ic 
gynaectum 95 



^ftmk 



mm 




INDEX TO THE NOTES. 



149 



habere 92 30 
Hercale83 9 
Hippias 62 a6 
hiscerelll 31 
honoris caussa 80 94 
Hortensitis 18 34 

id est 60 3, 74 4 

üle (quidem) 28 4 

illim T7 13 

Ulnd 2 91 

imitator 97 ao 

implicatns 81 a6 

incolumis 4 sa 

indictus 66 4 

infinitive 42 xi 

ix^rptare66^ 

iimentance (Cicero's) 40 lo 

inquilinus 106 95 

Interamna 106 97 

intercedere 46 la 

iütercessio 8 9, 61 19, 68 $ 

interest 99 10 

interpretari 99 9 f 

intervertere 79 3 

ipse 76 93, 118 13 

irc (redire) 78 «7 

iste 8 8, 8 10, 44 30 

iU (ut) 86 s8 

iter 67 15 

It)rraei 19 7 

iuberi 79 33 

iugerum 43 16 

lulia 49 14 

luppiter Stator 64 17 

iure consultus 96 la 

ius 72 19 

lacema 76 a8 

Laelius 83 4 

laus 28 13 

lectica 68 34, 82 31, 106 31 

lectistemium HO 10 

legatus 81 18 

Lentulus 14 la, 18* 19 

liContini 43 17, 101 13 

Lepidus 12 25 

levitas 63 4 

lex (Aelia et Fufia) 80 17, (An- 



tonia) 81 16, (Caecilia et Didia) 
7 19, (Qodia) 81 17, (Ponpda) 
22 5,24 91, (Roscia) 44 3t 

Liberalia 89 la 

lictores (laureati) 68 93 

Luculli 12 a4 

ludi HO 10— ao 

lumen 87 18 

Lupercalia 84 9 1, 86 8 

lustratio 67 13 

Maelius 26 17 
xnagister (equitum) 82 94 
xnalle 14 14 
Manlius M. 87 93 
me (dius fidius) 67 14 
Minuda (porticns) 84 94 
Misenum 48 xi» 78 93 
xniseratio 91 95 
moderatio 10 4 
modestia 10 4 
modestus 47 95 
munidpium 68 98 
Murena 12 96 

Narbo 84 16 

ne (after ut) 82 94 

ne (interrogative) 82 95 

ne \val) 8 14 

nee ita 108 aa, neque...et 100 98 

non modo 107 zi 

numerus 66 9 

nuntiatio 81 17 

0I61 
ob 83 7 
obiccre 68 6 
obnuntiatio 81 x 7 
offidum 9 19 
opinor 47 39 
Ops 36 a6 
optare 1 5 
ostendere 80 8 

parricida 81 9 
patres (conscripti) 1 r 
patronus 107 8 
pecus 80 a3 
peragratio 67 15 



ISO 



INDEX TO THE NOTES. 



t 



palMicdiari IM 17 • 

percmsatio 62 91 

peristromaU fT 11 

Phanalns 39 5 

Fhonnio 16 ao ) 

Piso C. 12 «5 

PisoM62 37 

Plancns 78 ai 

poem (Gcero's) 20 14 

pompa 110 10, HO 30 

Fompeitts 12 39, 29 5» 02 «7 

potestas 02 30 

praefecturaOS 38 

praerogaüva 82 33 . 

praes 78 31 

piaesertim (com) 60 ii, 106 8» 

114 3 
praetexta 46 39, HO 19 
praetor (urbanus) 81 14 
pracvaricator 26 5 
praeverti 88 33 
prandium 101 6 
preposition see ellipse 
prhis quam 21 33 
procurator 106 24 
producere 78 33 
promulgare 6 19 
proro^e 26 33, 109 33 
protasis (implied) 4 35, 87 17 
piovidere 26 37, 83 8 
piOTincia 81 10, 97 39, 109 33 
Ptolemaeus Auletes 48 4 
polvinar 110 10 
Fateolil07 7 

qnaestor 81 17, 60 37 

qnanmslU 33 

qni83 4 

qni (adverb) 8 13 

quid (beatius &c.) 88 1, (es) 75 14, 

(est aliud) 7 33 
quidem 28 10 
quin 61 19 
qainqiieniitum 26 ti 

receptum 79 3 

xeferre (aoceptnm) 12 t« (ad seiift* 

tum) 81 14 
icles;atio 88 3 ' 



reliquiae 6 17 
reliquos 18 5 
renuntiare 82 i 
repraesentari 118 16 
restitaere 66 33 
reverti 76 34 
rostra 86 37 
Rubrius 40 35» 74 39 
rudis 74 3 

sagttm 13 10 

Satumus 86 36 1 .. „ 

Saxa rubra 77 6 

scalae 21 38 

scelus 64 35 

Scipio 42 7, 109 7 

Sectio 71 9 

sector 39 9 

sella 86 37 

senatus 62 36 

septemviratus 99 11 

servare (de caelo) 81 17, 81 34 

Servian Constitution 82 33 

Servilius 12 3i, 27 3 

sie 44 38 

sicarius 8 9 

Sicca 8 5 

Sidicini 107 7 

Silanus 12 30 

simulacrum 110 10 

sinister 99 9 

Sisapo48 II 

solvendo (esse) 491 

sordidatus 78 37 

soror (patruelis) 99 15 

sortitio 82 33 

spectio 81 17 

stilus84 13 

sttbicere 64 18 

sabjunctive 1 6, 7 30, 7 3t, 16 33« 
21 33* M «o* S6 8, 29 15, 31 7, 
60 4, 68 6, 71 I, 72 13, 83 4, 
84 18, 86 5, 96 16, 100 37, 117 3 

snßectus 79 4 

ittfiragia 82 3 

Sulla 108 30 

summa (res publica) 38 30 

supplicatio 2 17, 18 7, HO 30 

S]^igiapha 96 4 



m^^nm 



ar' 



t 



« ' 



tributum 98 i8, 97 2$ 
tuen 80 19 
tuliSOaS 
TalliaT58 

imns7 95 



vexillum 102 tj 
▼idere 110 13 
▼igUiaeSOai 
▼itiare 80 13 
Volcatins 18 2$ 
Volomnia 90 13» 



8816 



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